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The policy brief examines the intersection of climate change and poverty reduction, highlighting how climate instability undermines Millennium Development Goals (MDGs), particularly in Sub-Saharan Africa. It advocates for a shift from treating adaptation and development as separate entities toward a 'climate-resilient development' approach. The author emphasizes the need for evidence-based, country-led policies that prioritize the most vulnerable and suggests that mitigation efforts should only be pursued when they offer clear co-benefits for poverty reduction and adaptation.

One year after the 2010 FIFA World Cup, the author contends that South Africa must translate the success of the event into diplomatic action. By utilizing its positions in SADC, the AU, and the UN Security Council, South Africa is urged to address critical issues such as the Zimbabwe stalemate, crises in Libya and Cote d’Ivoire, and conflicts in Somalia, Darfur, and Abyei, thereby challenging 'Afro-pessimism' through substantive political leadership.

The report presents a series of case studies from FOE member groups in Nigeria, Uganda, Indonesia, Argentina, Colombia, Costa Rica, El Salvador, the United States, Guatemala, and Switzerland. It highlights the conflict between industrial agricultural models—characterized by monocultures, genetically modified organisms (GMOs), and land grabbing—and community-led efforts to maintain agroecological practices, preserve native seeds, and secure land rights. The document argues that food sovereignty is inextricably linked to the protection of forests and biodiversity, and it showcases various strategies for resistance, including community-based conservation, the creation of alternative markets, and legal initiatives to prevent urban sprawl and industrial land use.

This report by Friends of the Earth International compiles experiences from Nigeria, Uganda, Indonesia, Argentina, Colombia, Costa Rica, El Salvador, the USA, Guatemala, and Switzerland. It argues that food sovereignty is inseparable from the protection of biodiversity and forests, and it documents how local communities—including indigenous peoples and peasant farmers—resist monocultures, land grabbing, and genetically modified organisms (GMOs) through agroecology, seed conservation, and community-based land management.

The document presents a collection of case studies from Friends of the Earth International member groups, highlighting the intrinsic link between biodiversity and food sovereignty. It examines the negative impacts of industrial monocultures, land grabbing, and genetic modification in countries such as Nigeria, Uganda, Indonesia, Argentina, Colombia, Costa Rica, El Salvador, the USA, Guatemala, and Switzerland. Each case study emphasizes the role of local and indigenous knowledge, the importance of seed saving, and the necessity of community-led land management to resist corporate-driven agricultural systems and environmental degradation.

The document argues that the dominant agro-industrial model, driven by profit and export, marginalizes rural women by ignoring their role in social reproduction and denying them land rights. Through testimonies from the Global South, it illustrates how corporate land grabbing and state complicity lead to economic displacement and environmental degradation. In response, rural women are organizing through movements like La Via Campesina to promote food sovereignty, preserve ancestral seeds, and implement agro-ecological alternatives to ensure the sustainability of life and biodiversity.

The document argues that rural women in the Global South face severe gender-based inequality, including restricted land access and economic exploitation, which is exacerbated by a corporate-led agribusiness model. It highlights how this model causes environmental destruction and social displacement, disproportionately affecting women who are often the primary preservers of biodiversity and traditional seeds. Through testimonies from regions such as Nigeria, Indonesia, and Latin America, the report details the 'work overload' women face as they manage both social reproduction and agricultural production, often without recognition or fair pay. It advocates for 'food sovereignty'—the right of peoples to control their own seeds, lands, and food production—as a political and practical alternative to the industrial model. The report concludes that rural women are leading resistance through agro-ecological practices, political self-organisation, and the preservation of ancestral knowledge to ensure the sustainability of human life.

In a 2011 speech, Dame Nicola Brewer describes the evolving relationship between the UK and South Africa, framing Africa as a continent of potential rather than a problem. She highlights the UK's commitment to development aid, regional integration, and a transition to a carbon-constrained future, while advocating for shared democratic values and African leadership in resolving regional conflicts and reforming the UN Security Council.

Friends of the Earth International (FoEI) is a global federation of 76 autonomous environmental groups with over 2 million members. Founded in 1971, the organization has evolved from a small group of activists into a decentralized network that prioritizes environmental and social justice. FoEI's current strategy, 'mobilise, resist, transform', focuses on challenging the neoliberal economic model, which it identifies as the driver of climate change, biodiversity loss, and resource depletion. The federation advocates for key concepts such as 'environmental space', 'ecological debt', and 'food sovereignty' to create sustainable societies. Its work spans several core areas, including climate and energy justice, forest protection, food sovereignty, and resisting extractive industries like mining, oil, and gas.

The document outlines the 40-year history and strategic framework of Friends of the Earth International (FoEI), a global federation of 76 member groups. It argues that environmental destruction, poverty, and human rights violations are systemic issues rooted in a neoliberal economic model. FoEI's approach focuses on 'mobilizing, resisting, and transforming' through key concepts such as climate justice, ecological debt, and food sovereignty. The report details specific campaigns against extractive industries, GMOs, and deforestation, while highlighting the role of grassroots activism and international solidarity in achieving policy changes and protecting indigenous rights.

Friends of the Earth International (FoEI) marks 40 years as a global federation of 76 member groups and over 2 million collaborators. The organization advocates for environmental and social justice by opposing neoliberal economic models and 'false solutions' to the climate crisis. Its strategic framework focuses on three pillars: mobilizing public support, resisting the root causes of environmental degradation, and transforming societies through concepts like ecological debt, food sovereignty, and climate justice. FoEI's work spans diverse sectors, including opposing industrial mining and fossil fuels, protecting biodiversity and forests, and promoting sustainable, local food systems.

The April 2011 elections in Nigeria were viewed as a significant improvement over previous polls, though they were marred by pre-election violence and post-election unrest in the north. Incumbent President Goodluck Jonathan won the presidency with 58.89% of the vote, while his rival Muhammadu Buhari dominated the northern states. The document highlights deep-seated systemic issues, including the 'resource curse' of oil, widespread corruption among the political elite, and the collapse of the 'zoning' consensus intended to balance regional power. Despite the role of a vibrant civil society and an independent judiciary, the author argues that without visionary leadership and major reforms in the oil industry and public sector, the prospect of genuine good governance remains slim.

The document presents a satirical or corrective 'erratum' to Shell's 2010 annual report, detailing systemic failures in environmental protection and human rights. It lists specific cases of pollution in Nigeria, Curaçao, and Canada, labour abuses in Brazil, and the risks of high-volume fracking. The report proposes a set of 'Key Performance Indicators' for 2011, including a 5% annual decrease in absolute CO2 emissions and a commitment to invest 50% of annual profits into wind and solar power.

The report details 12 sustainability cases involving Royal Dutch Shell, highlighting systemic issues such as oil spills and gas flaring in Nigeria, toxic pesticide contamination in Brazil, and the high carbon intensity of Canadian tar sands. It examines the company's expansion into unconventional gas through fracking and its influence on political processes in the UK, Netherlands, and other host countries. The document argues that Shell's business strategy prioritizes profit over environmental and human rights, often employing a 'double standard' in its operational safety and reporting.

The 2011 budget speech for the Department of Environmental Affairs details South Africa's commitment to reducing carbon emissions by 34% by 2020 and 42% by 2025. It highlights the transition to a green economy, the integration of 'working for' employment programmes to provide 5 million person-days of work in 2011/12, and the fight against rhino poaching. The speech also announces the upcoming National Biodiversity Assessment report and the commissioning of the SA Agulhas II research vessel.

The document examines the humanitarian and economic dangers of poorly managed military weapons stockpiles in Africa, noting at least 27 known explosions between 1998 and 2011. It analyzes international and regional agreements—such as the UN Programme of Action and the SADC Firearms Protocol—and argues that a lack of transparency, inadequate physical security, and insufficient technical capacity lead to preventable disasters. Case studies of Mozambique and Tanzania illustrate the devastating impact of these explosions on civilian populations and the challenges of implementing national inventories and secure storage standards.

The document analyzes the AU's framework for democracy promotion, specifically its rejection of unconstitutional changes of government. It details the evolution of this principle from the Lomé Declaration of 2000 to the 2007 African Charter on Democracy, Elections and Governance, and discusses the 'democrat's dilemma' where popular uprisings to remove authoritarian leaders conflict with strict constitutionalism. The author argues for more consistent application of sanctions against leaders who refuse to leave office after elections and suggests the Pan-African Parliament develop guidelines for managing civilian-led transitions to democracy.

The statement by SAIIA Chairperson Fred Phaswana discusses the role of media and military neutrality in North African uprisings and the importance of legitimate elections in Africa. It highlights South Africa's challenge in balancing energy security with climate commitments ahead of COP17 and evaluates the country's role in the UN Security Council and BRICS to ensure international engagement delivers domestic benefits.

This report by Friends of the Earth International documents community struggles and successes in maintaining food sovereignty and biodiversity across diverse geographic contexts. It examines the negative impacts of industrial monocultures, corporate land grabs, and genetically modified organisms (GMOs) while promoting agroecology, seed saving, and community-based forest management as sustainable alternatives. The text emphasizes the role of women and indigenous peoples in protecting ecosystems and argues that food sovereignty is unattainable without the preservation of biological diversity.

The policy brief examines how the mismanagement of oil resources, lack of transparency, and systemic corruption contributed to the breakup of Sudan. It highlights the failure of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) to resolve disputes over oil-rich border areas like Heglig and Abyei, and notes that both Northern and Southern leaders neglected local communities in oil-bearing regions. The author concludes that the perceived injustice in the distribution of oil wealth convinced Southern Sudanese that secession was the only path to fairness.