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The document details Canada's efforts to reform fossil fuel subsidies, specifically targeting tax deductions for oil, gas, and coal exploration and development. Since 2011, Canada has reformed seven policies, including reducing deduction rates for oil sands and mining expenses, driven partly by G20 commitments. While reforms between 1990 and 2007 saved over USD 900 million, the 2011-2022 reforms are expected to save approximately USD 260 million annually. However, the document notes a 'missed opportunity' with the introduction of a new LNG subsidy in 2015 and risks of backsliding through the federal purchase and expansion of the Trans Mountain pipeline.

The document analyzes the responses of ASEAN nations to US tariffs imposed in April 2025. Most members, including Indonesia, Malaysia, Thailand, and Vietnam, have prioritized negotiation over retaliation due to high export dependence on the US market. Strategies include individual bilateral discussions, a coordinated regional response led by Malaysia (the 2025 ASEAN chair), diversification via the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP) and BRICS, and internal economic support packages, such as Thailand's 15 billion USD stimulus.

The Indo-Pacific Economic Framework for Prosperity (IPEF) is a flexible economic initiative involving the United States and 13 other nations, organized around four pillars: connected, resilient, clean, and fair economies. Unlike traditional free trade agreements, IPEF avoids tariff liberalization, which has led to criticisms regarding the lack of U.S. concessions and concerns over the long-term commitment of partners like India. Early ministerial meetings have highlighted tensions over the adoption of high standards, with countries such as Malaysia and Japan requesting transition periods, while the U.S. focuses on digital standards and industrial decarbonization as key areas of influence.

The joint submission by CIEL, IISD, and ClientEarth asserts that ISDS mechanisms create a 'regulatory chill' that hinders states from implementing climate and environmental policies. It highlights that while investment treaties have negligible effects on promoting foreign direct investment, they impose significant costs on states, particularly in the Global South, by allowing investors to challenge environmental regulations. The authors recommend the termination of old-generation treaties, the carving out of climate measures from ISDS scope, and a shift toward resolving disputes in domestic courts.

Argentina reduced direct budgetary transfers to oil producers, saving an estimated US$ 780 million in 2017. However, the government maintained and prioritized subsidies for unconventional gas production, specifically targeting the Vaca Muerta reservoir through the 'Plan Gas'. These reforms were driven by fiscal pressures, including a US$ 50 billion IMF standby agreement requiring deficit reduction. While oil subsidies fell, the government continued to owe US$ 1.5 billion to oil companies as of January 2019. Environmental concerns persist as gas is treated as a transition fuel, despite the high greenhouse gas emissions and water contamination associated with fracking in Vaca Muerta.

The document details the transition of public finance institutions away from fossil fuel investments, highlighting the role of G20 governments and multilateral development banks in implementing restrictions on coal, oil, and gas financing to align with the Paris Agreement.

The document provides a comprehensive overview of conspiracy theories, defining them as explanations citing a secret group of powerful persons acting against the common good. It highlights the systemic link between many modern conspiracies and historical antisemitism, using case studies such as the 'Great Reset', 'QAnon', and 'The Great Replacement' to illustrate how these narratives erode trust in democratic institutions. The guide specifically addresses the risks posed by the spread of misinformation regarding Covid-19, 5G, and climate-related urban planning (15-minute cities), and offers practical recommendations for public officials to verify information and recognize conspiratorial structures.

The Strong Cities Network (SCN) toolkit, developed by the Institute for Strategic Dialogue, guides local authorities in managing the social consequences of terror attacks. It emphasizes the shift toward 'soft targets' in urban centers and the critical role of municipal leadership in preventing social division. The guide details strategies for community engagement, including mapping vulnerable groups and using both direct and indirect outreach. It provides a comprehensive communications framework to de-escalate tensions, combat misinformation, and avoid the glorification of perpetrators. Additionally, it outlines the establishment of psychosocial support working groups to address collective and individual trauma. The document includes leadership checklists and worksheets to help city officials coordinate with national authorities and local stakeholders to build long-term urban resilience.

The document traces the evolution of restorative justice in South Africa, starting with the first victim-offender mediation (VOM) projects in 1992. It details the roles of various NGOs, such as NICRO and the Restorative Justice Centre, and the influence of international models from the US, New Zealand, and Canada. The text also explores 'non-state justice' initiatives like community courts and peace committees in the Western and Eastern Cape, as well as the South African government's theoretical openness to restorative justice and its integration into child justice and professional training.

The submission argues that indigenous peoples and local communities (IPLCs) are the most effective guardians of biodiversity, yet they face systemic threats including non-recognition of land rights, 'fortress conservation' models, and violence against land defenders. It provides global case studies of successful community-led conservation and calls for a shift toward rights-based conservation, secure tenure, and the protection of environmental defenders.

The document serves as a guide to the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP), detailing the collective and individual rights of Indigenous peoples, including self-determination and free, prior and informed consent. It outlines the responsibilities of States and the UN, provides criteria for identifying Indigenous peoples, and offers practical avenues for reporting human rights violations through UN mechanisms. The guide specifically highlights the intersection of UNDRIP with biological diversity, conservation, and land rights.

The document examines the contested nature of 'power sharing,' noting that it is often implemented as a tool for conflict resolution but yields contradictory results in research. It identifies four primary types of power sharing: political, military, territorial, and economic. The author argues that findings vary based on whether researchers view power sharing as a means to achieve stable democracy (consociationalism) or as a tool for postconflict conflict management. While some studies suggest inclusive institutions prolong peace by addressing rebel security concerns, others argue they reward violence, strengthen ethnic divisions, and hinder democratic accountability by marginalizing opposition.

The author critiques the 2016 Arbitral Tribunal's interpretation of Article 121(3) of the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS), which determined that high-tide features in the Spratly Islands are 'rocks' incapable of sustaining human habitation or economic life and thus cannot generate an Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ) or continental shelf. The author contends that the Tribunal overlooked significant State practice where countries like Australia, France, Japan, New Zealand, and the United States claim 200-nm EEZs for similarly remote, uninhabited features. The paper suggests that if the Tribunal had comprehensively examined these practices and bilateral agreements, it might have reached a different conclusion. Furthermore, it highlights a 'double standard' where these five nations urge China and the Philippines to abide by the Award while continuing their own inconsistent claims.

The document argues that Australia's mandatory off-shore processing regime in Nauru and Papua New Guinea constitutes a violation of the principle of non-refoulement. It contends that by transferring asylum seekers to facilities characterized by arbitrary detention, inadequate medical care, and conditions akin to torture, Australia exercises extraterritorial jurisdiction and remains legally responsible for these human rights violations. The author warns that this model serves as a blueprint for similar externalization policies currently emerging in the European Union.

The document analyzes New Zealand's transition from a highly regulated economy to one of the most open in the world starting in 1984. It details the rapid withdrawal of agricultural subsidies, the reduction of import tariffs to minimize 'cost excess' for exporters, and the broader structural reforms including privatization and labor market changes. The author assesses the consequences for various agricultural sectors—noting the success of dairy and kiwifruit versus the struggles of sheep meat—and discusses the role of the Australia New Zealand Closer Economic Relations Trade Agreement (ANZCERTA) in facilitating this transition.

The report by Scientists for Global Responsibility (SGR) examines the Institution of Engineers Australia's (EA) financial transparency and climate alignment. While SGR notes the EA's sustainability policies and public support for climate action, it highlights a lack of transparency regarding A$16.3 million in investments managed by Morgan Stanley, making it impossible to verify if the funds include fossil fuel companies. SGR argues that any such indirect investments would contradict the EA's public commitment to decarbonization and the goals of the Paris Agreement.

The document examines the risk of 'stranded assets'—assets that lose economic value before the end of their useful life—driven by climate regulations and the global transition to low-carbon economies. It highlights that Latin America, despite low emissions, holds significant fossil fuel reserves that may become unexploitable to meet the Paris Agreement's 1.5°C target. For Colombia, the risk is acute due to a high economic dependence on oil, gas, and coal exports. The report provides a qualitative framework for investors to identify these risks and points toward renewable energy, specifically solar photovoltaics and wind, as profitable alternatives.

The report proposes a U.S. cap-and-trade system to limit global warming emissions, citing the success of the 1990 Acid Rain Program. It outlines design criteria including a stringent declining cap, full auctioning of allowances, and the inclusion of all major heat-trapping gases. The author emphasizes that while cap-and-trade is a lynchpin, it must be paired with parallel sector-based policies to be effective.

The technical appendices describe the use of a Global Trade Analysis Project (GTAP) general equilibrium model to simulate the effects of adopting the MyPlate and Harvard Healthy Eating Plate dietary guidelines. The analysis focuses on the resulting shifts in U.S. crop acreage, specifically the reduction of cereal grain production in favor of fruits, vegetables, and other crops. Key findings include a projected 8% decline in U.S. cereal grain acreage under the Harvard scenario and significant changes in land rental rates and production levels for various food sectors.

The We Mean Business Coalition presents a series of policy asks across key sectors—including energy, transport, industry, and the built environment—to align global economies with a 1.5°C trajectory. The document highlights existing corporate commitments, such as the 900+ companies aligning with 1.5°C targets, and calls for government action on carbon pricing, the elimination of fossil fuel subsidies, and the implementation of just transition plans. It emphasizes that a green recovery from COVID-19 can boost GDP and employment while addressing the climate and biodiversity crises.