Search Climate Insights Directory

Friends of the Earth International and 81 other organizations condemn the Colombian government's violent response to the 2021 National Strike. The statement links the social unrest to a tax reform proposal, rising poverty, and a development model that prioritizes extractive industries and monetary accumulation over human rights and nature. It calls for an immediate end to military repression, the protection of the right to protest, and the implementation of comprehensive agrarian reform and food sovereignty.

The author contends that the Covid-19 crisis demonstrated that capitalism is not synonymous with the market. Drawing on the theories of Adam Smith and Karl Marx, the text proposes a post-capitalist economic model characterized by a stronger 'care economy', the elimination of the capital-labor divide through cooperatives, and the prioritization of local, circular markets over shareholder accumulation.

The project aims to create a standardized global reporting framework for nature-related financial risks, modeled after the TCFD. It involves a phased approach: preparing the taskforce, building the framework, testing it with a diverse group of institutions, and conducting public consultations. The goal is to redirect global financial flows toward nature-positive outcomes by increasing transparency regarding biodiversity loss and natural capital dependencies.

The report criticizes the EU's REDII sustainability criteria for forest biomass, arguing that they prioritize legal formality over actual ecological sustainability. It contends that the criteria allow destructive forestry practices to continue by equating the existence of national laws with sustainability, while failing to provide rigorous verification mechanisms or incorporate NGO evidence. Through five case studies in Canada, Estonia, France, Portugal, and Finland, the document demonstrates that current rules would not prevent the logging of old-growth or high-nature-value forests for energy production.

Between 2008 and 2019, fifteen CO2-intensive industrial sectors in nineteen EU countries earned estimated additional profits between €30 billion and over €50 billion from the EU ETS. These profits were derived from three primary sources: the overallocation of free emission allowances, the use of cheaper international credits (CERs/ERUs) for compliance, and the passing through of opportunity costs of free allowances into product prices. The iron and steel sector was the largest beneficiary, with profits ranging from €11.9 billion to €16.1 billion. In contrast, the aviation sector experienced a net loss of €151.2 million due to the need to purchase allowances. The report argues that free allocation may no longer be fit for purpose and recommends increasing the share of auctioning combined with targeted investment subsidies or a Carbon Border Adjustment Mechanism (CBAM) to reduce windfall profits and encourage decarbonization.

The analysis evaluates Estonia's readiness for a hydrogen economy, focusing on the transport and industrial sectors as primary drivers for decarbonization. It models two scenarios (low and high) for hydrogen penetration by 2050, estimating that total investments could reach EUR 22.4 to 44.7 billion. The report highlights that while the transport sector—particularly shipping and rail—and the production of green ammonia and methanol offer the highest potential, significant barriers exist, including a lack of refueling infrastructure, high initial costs, and the need for a national hydrogen strategy. To unlock this potential, the study emphasizes the necessity of increasing renewable electricity capacity, specifically through offshore wind, and providing public investment to kick-start the market.

Reclaim Finance argues that AXA has abandoned its climate leadership by refusing to commit to ending investments or insurance coverage for oil and gas production, including shale gas. The organization highlights AXA's reliance on collective 'net zero' alliances to avoid individual responsibility and criticizes AXA's potential support for Total's climate plan, which Reclaim Finance claims is incompatible with the 1.5°C goal. Additionally, AXA is criticized for continuing to invest in Fortum despite the pro-coal lobbying activities of its subsidiary, Uniper.

The statement by Reclaim Finance criticizes NatWest for a lack of clarity regarding its fossil fuel financing policies. Despite commitments to net-zero by 2050 and a coal phase-out by 2030, the bank remains among the top 50 most polluting banks globally, having provided over $13 billion in fossil fuel financing between 2016 and 2020. The author highlights specific gaps in NatWest's coal exit strategy, noting continued support for companies like Glencore and RWE, and demands clear 'red lines' for the 'credible transition plans' required of oil and gas producers by the end of 2021.

Andrew Steer reflects on his nine-year tenure as leader of the World Resources Institute (WRI), outlining the organizational strategies and lessons learned to effectively drive global environmental and climate change.

The text advocates for a transition from capitalism to a post-capitalist market economy, drawing on the theories of Adam Smith and Karl Marx. It argues that the COVID-19 crisis demonstrated the necessity of state intervention and social solidarity, contrasting this with the failures of unregulated capitalism seen in the 2008 financial crisis. The author proposes a model based on three pillars: expanding the 'economy of care' and state regulation, establishing enterprises without capital-labor asymmetry (such as cooperatives), and implementing local markets using social currencies or service-based models to ensure ecological and social stability.

The authors contend that human rights law is often underutilised or dismissed as unfit for contemporary challenges because it is viewed primarily as a tool for individual protection against state interference. They argue for a shift toward recognizing 'positive obligations'—the duty of states to actively protect rights—to address collective crises. By citing climate litigation in the Netherlands, Ireland, and France, as well as food security cases in India, the text demonstrates how legal frameworks can hold governments accountable for failing to meet their obligations, thereby bridging the gap between political aspiration and concrete action.

The European Commission has opened formal investigations into compensations provided to RWE (EUR 2.6 billion) and LEAG (EUR 1.75 billion) for the closure of lignite plants in Germany by 2038. The Commission preliminarily concludes these payments constitute state aid and expresses doubts regarding their proportionality, specifically whether the calculations for foregone profits and mine rehabilitation costs are realistic or lead to overcompensation. ClientEarth argues that the aid may violate the 'polluter pays principle' regarding mine recultivation and that declining market conditions and rising CO2 prices make the assumed long lifespans of the plants unrealistic.

The document outlines the legal case Friends of the Earth Netherlands v Royal Dutch Shell plc, arguing that Shell's current net-zero strategy is insufficient compared to IPCC standards. It details the legal basis of the claim—centered on Dutch civil law and human rights—and warns investors of the reputational and financial risks associated with climate litigation and emerging EU due diligence legislation.

The report identifies a five-part cycle for effective mutual accountability: clarifying commitments, sharing performance information, evaluating performance through debate, experiencing reputational or relational consequences, and undertaking corrective action. It emphasizes that mutual accountability should be a constructive, learning-oriented process rather than a punitive one, supported by strong partnership foundations such as shared purpose and equalized power relationships. The findings suggest that for the SWA MAM to succeed, it must be co-designed at the national level, maintain a balance between global legitimacy and national ownership, and be integrated into existing national planning cycles.

The 2021 Endangered Seafood Guide by WWF International advises companies to avoid sourcing seafood species listed as Endangered or Critically Endangered by the IUCN Red List, as well as those in CITES Appendix I and II. The document emphasizes the necessity of robust traceability to prevent seafood fraud and the accidental sourcing of at-risk species. It specifically warns against 'ranched' aquaculture, where wild endangered fish are removed to be raised in controlled settings, as this increases pressure on wild populations. For sustainable alternatives, WWF recommends the Marine Stewardship Council (MSC) for wild-caught seafood and the Aquaculture Stewardship Council (ASC) for farmed seafood, suggesting 'closed-cycle' (hatchery-reared) aquaculture as a minimum requirement when ASC certification is unavailable. The guide provides detailed fact sheets on high-risk groups including bluefin tuna, freshwater eels, sharks, and sturgeon, noting that some species, such as the totoaba, are subject to illegal poaching for high-value organs like swim bladders.

The LIFE-A2J-EARL project focused on bridging the 'implementation gap' of EU environmental laws by empowering the judiciary, public administrations, and public interest lawyers. Operating across eight EU Member States, the project produced a comprehensive legal guide, national toolkits, and a digital platform to facilitate access to justice. It delivered 48 training sessions and 12 webinars, reaching over 2,000 participants. Despite delays caused by the COVID-19 pandemic and shifting judicial attitudes in some regions, the project successfully increased stakeholder awareness of the Aarhus Convention and EU case-law. Key outputs included a database of 117 public interest lawyers from 15 countries and a final virtual conference attended by 285 participants.

Environmental NGOs are calling for the European Commission to ensure equal access for all stakeholders, including the creation of a formal observer status, in fisheries negotiations between the EU and the UK. The letter highlights an uneven playing field where industry members have more access than eNGOs, noting that only the Netherlands and Ireland have opened their delegations to eNGOs. The authors demand comprehensive documentation of negotiations and timely stakeholder consultations to align with the Aarhus Convention and sustainability commitments under the Trade and Cooperation Agreement (TCA).

The report argues that Spain's plastic waste management is dominated by monopolies like Ecoembes and Ecovidrio, whose business models profit from increased plastic packaging, leading them to lobby against effective solutions like DRS. It highlights the financial burden of litter clean-up on taxpayers, estimated at up to €744 million annually, and criticises retailers for their lack of transparency and opposition to mandatory reforms. While some regions like the Balearic Islands are implementing ambitious laws, the report warns that the Spanish government remains susceptible to industry lobbying, which threatens the country's ability to meet EU targets for separate collection and recycled content by 2030.

The report highlights that the water and sanitation sector contributes up to 5% of global greenhouse gas emissions and is highly vulnerable to climate impacts. It advocates for a shift from single-issue, siloed approaches toward integrated, local, and cross-sectoral collaborations to achieve Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) 6 and 13. Through case studies in Peru, Uganda, Germany, and Bolivia, the document demonstrates how regulatory frameworks, peer-to-peer partnerships (WOPs), and systems-thinking can reduce carbon footprints and build resilience. It concludes that while collaboration is essential, it must be implemented proportionately to avoid operational inefficiency.

The statement highlights a landmark legal victory where Nigerian farmers obtained reparations from Shell in a Dutch court after thirteen years of litigation. It uses this case to argue that the current legal process is too slow and that the European Union should implement a mandatory 'corporate due diligence' law to ensure European companies are held accountable for human rights and environmental abuses committed abroad.