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The report finds that 15 major meat and dairy companies produce combined methane emissions of 12.8 million tonnes, representing 11.1% of global livestock-related methane. These emissions exceed the total methane footprints of countries like Russia, Canada, and Australia. The authors highlight a severe lack of corporate transparency, noting that 60% of the analyzed companies fail to report total supply chain (scope 3) emissions. The report criticizes governments for relying on 'techno fixes' like anaerobic digesters rather than reducing livestock numbers, and calls for binding targets and a just transition toward agroecology.

The report estimates that five major meat and ten major dairy companies emit approximately 12.8 million tonnes of methane, representing 11.1% of global anthropogenic methane emissions from livestock. These companies' total greenhouse gas emissions (734 million tonnes CO2 equivalent) exceed those of Germany. The authors highlight a significant lack of transparency, noting that 60% of these companies do not report full supply chain (Scope 3) emissions, and none report supply-chain methane. The document calls for mandatory emissions disclosure and a reduction in livestock numbers to meet the 1.5°C global warming limit.

The report finds that 15 major meat and dairy companies emit approximately 12.8 million tonnes of methane, representing 3.4% of global anthropogenic methane emissions and 11.1% of livestock-related methane. These combined emissions exceed the methane footprints of several countries, including Russia, Canada, Australia, and Germany. The authors highlight a pervasive lack of corporate transparency, noting that 60% of the companies fail to report total GHGs or scope 3 emissions, and none report supply chain methane. The report calls for mandatory reporting, binding reduction targets, and a systemic shift away from industrial animal agriculture.

The report estimates that five of the largest meat companies and ten of the largest dairy corporations emit approximately 12.8 million tonnes of methane, representing 3.4% of global anthropogenic methane emissions and 11.1% of global livestock methane. Total greenhouse gas emissions for these companies reach 734 million tonnes of CO2 equivalent, exceeding Germany's national emissions. The authors highlight a lack of corporate transparency, noting that 60% of the analyzed companies do not report total emissions or Scope 3 emissions, and none reported supply chain methane. The report calls for binding reduction targets, mandatory reporting, and a systemic shift toward agroecology to meet the 1.5°C global warming limit.

The report finds that 15 major meat and dairy companies emit approximately 12.8 million tonnes of methane, representing 3.4% of global anthropogenic methane emissions and 11.1% of global livestock methane. The combined greenhouse gas emissions of these companies (734 million tonnes of CO2 equivalent) exceed those of Germany. The document highlights a significant lack of corporate transparency, with 60% of the analyzed companies failing to report total emissions or scope 3 emissions. It calls for binding emission targets, mandatory reporting, and a systemic shift toward agroecology to meet the 1.5°C warming limit.

The report finds that 15 major meat and dairy companies collectively emit approximately 12.8 million tonnes of methane, representing 3.4% of all anthropogenic global methane emissions and 11.1% of global livestock-related methane. The authors highlight a significant lack of corporate transparency, noting that 60% of these companies do not report total emissions across their value chain (Scope 3). The document calls for binding government targets for agricultural emissions and a systemic shift toward agroecological systems to meet the 1.5°C warming limit.

Global Energy Monitor (GEM) finds that 30 fossil fuel companies are responsible for 43% of the industry's global methane emissions. The analysis identifies the National Iranian Oil Company as the largest emitter and highlights the dominance of Chinese state-owned enterprises in coal mine methane emissions. The report emphasizes that emissions vary based on infrastructure age, operator type, and geographic location, noting that some oil and gas emissions could be reduced at no net cost.

The report argues that transitioning away from industrial meat production is essential for climate and health goals but requires a 'just transition' framework to protect vulnerable stakeholders. It identifies five key stakeholder groups—consumers, farmers, workers, communities, and companies—and outlines five guiding principles for policy-makers: phasing down industrial meat support, increasing support for sustainable alternatives, ensuring inclusive planning, providing offset support for adverse impacts, and addressing root causes of injustice.

The Clean Air Task Force calls for COP27 leadership to move beyond prescribed solution sets toward 'region-centric flexibility' and 'technology optionality'. It emphasizes that climate strategies must align with national interests and energy security, particularly for emerging economies, while advocating for the deployment of a broad range of carbon-free technologies including nuclear, hydrogen, and carbon capture and storage to address hard-to-abate sectors.

The statement by Friends of the Earth International calls for a shift from non-binding guidelines to legally binding regulations for multinational corporations. It highlights the failure of the UN Guiding Principles and advocates for an international treaty currently under negotiation at the UN, supported by national legislation. The text cites the French 'duty of vigilance' law and a proposed corporate and human rights framework in Brazil as key examples of progress toward corporate accountability.

The document is a call to action from a coalition of civil society, smallholders' and Indigenous Peoples' organisations directed at EU Ministers, Commissioners, and Members of the European Parliament. It advocates for a robust EU regulation on deforestation-free products to protect biodiversity, climate, and human rights, outlining ten specific requirements for the law to be considered effective.

The report identifies a 'carbon-pricing certainty gap' that inhibits private investment in Canada's industrial decarbonization. It proposes three primary recommendations: introducing carbon contracts for difference (CCfDs) to guarantee the carbon-price schedule, preventing carbon-credit oversupply through strengthened federal benchmarks and public registries, and offering policy-contingent loans via the Canada Infrastructure Bank. The authors suggest that a successful CCfD program could accelerate up to 40 Mt of emissions reductions by 2030 with limited contingent liabilities for the government.

The report finds that global forest finance is not on track to meet 2030 goals, with current mitigation finance averaging USD 2.3 billion per year—less than 1 percent of the estimated USD 460 billion annual requirement. It highlights a stark imbalance where 'grey finance' (harmful investments) significantly outweighs 'green finance,' and notes that Indigenous Peoples and local communities remain severely underfunded. While 2021 pledges could quadruple annual finance to USD 9.5 billion, this remains insufficient. The report also analyzes the limited impact of voluntary and compliance carbon markets and the slow progress of REDD+ frameworks.

The report identifies a significant gap between the availability of gender analysis tools and their actual implementation by governments and mining companies. It categorizes approaches into gender analysis within environmental and social impact assessments (ESIAs), stand-alone gender impact assessments (GIAs), and integration into human rights due diligence. The author argues that strong regulatory frameworks, such as those in Canada, are essential to mandate these analyses. Case studies from Canada, Zambia, and Indonesia illustrate how multistakeholder partnerships and intersectional lenses can improve outcomes, though implementation remains inconsistent.

The World Resources Institute (WRI) and its subsidiaries underwent independent audits for the fiscal years 2021 and 2022. The auditors issued unmodified opinions on the consolidated financial statements, stating they present fairly the financial position of the Institute. For the year ended September 30, 2022, total assets were $384,549,025 and total liabilities were $21,572,887. The Institute's operations are supported by grants and contracts, with significant funding from foundations (48% of receivables) and foreign governments (29% of receivables). A separate compliance audit for the major federal program (USAID Foreign Assistance for Programs Overseas) also resulted in an unmodified opinion, though some significant deficiencies in internal control were noted that were not considered material weaknesses.

The document describes CCS as an integrated infrastructure for capturing, transporting, and storing CO2. It notes a history of failure, with only 10% of projects between 1995 and 2018 being completed, but highlights a recent surge in investment and project pipelines, particularly in North America and Europe. The author argues that CCS is currently only truly essential for the cement sector, as renewables outperform it in power generation and green hydrogen is expected to undercut blue hydrogen by 2030. It warns against carbon capture and utilisation (CCU) and enhanced oil recovery (EOR) due to high energy requirements and the risk of increasing net emissions.

The Urgenda vs the Netherlands case resulted in a court order for the Dutch state to reduce greenhouse gas emissions by at least 25% by 2020 compared to 1990 levels. The litigation navigated legal obstacles such as the principle of causation and the separation of powers, ultimately establishing that the state failed its duty of care. While the District Court relied on the Dutch Civil Code and hazardous negligence, the Court of Appeal and Supreme Court grounded the decision in the positive obligation to protect human rights, specifically Articles 2 and 8 of the European Convention on Human Rights.

ClientEarth asserts that the Energy Charter Treaty (ECT) obstructs climate policy by allowing fossil fuel companies to sue governments for compensation over environmental regulations. The organization argues that recent 'modernisation' efforts are insufficient, as they maintain a 'flexibility mechanism' that would allow litigation until the late 2030s and include protections for biomass and carbon capture. The document calls for a coordinated withdrawal of the EU, its member states, and the UK to eliminate the 'chilling effect' of the treaty on the European Green Deal and other climate commitments.

The International Institute for Sustainable Development (IISD) asserts that the modernized Energy Charter Treaty (ECT) remains problematic due to persistent investor protections and unclear fossil fuel carve-outs. IISD notes that the ECT has been a primary vehicle for fossil fuel investors to challenge climate laws, with 17% of all such disputes brought under this treaty. The organization argues that retrofitting the ECT is insufficient and calls for a new investment treaty designed specifically to advance climate-friendly investments.

Between May and August 2022, the EU generated a record 12.2% of its electricity from solar power, totaling 99.4 TWh. This generation helped the EU avoid the purchase of an additional 20 bcm of fossil gas, resulting in potential cost savings of €29 billion based on average daily gas prices for that period. Solar share records were broken in 18 of 27 EU countries, with the Netherlands achieving the highest share at 23%. The report argues that while solar deployment is accelerating, permitting bottlenecks must be addressed to meet 1.5C and REPowerEU targets, which include a proposed 45% renewable energy target for 2030.