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The document assesses the African Union's (AU) counter-terrorism efforts, noting that despite the 1999 Algiers Convention and various peace support operations, terrorism has expanded across the continent. It identifies two primary gaps: the failure to treat deep-seated governance challenges and a reliance on militaristic responses over sustainable preventive measures. The author concludes that while recent AU decisions to enhance the African Standby Force are positive, the AU must prioritise non-military responses targeting poverty and marginalisation to effectively reduce insecurity.

The provided text is a collection of 111 endnotes and citations from a research paper by Jonny Steinberg. These notes reference various studies, theses, and reports concerning the migration of Mozambicans to South Africa, their legal struggles, social integration in rural and urban areas (such as Johannesburg, Durban, and Cape Town), and the economic activities of African migrants in the informal sector. The citations cover topics including the UNHCR's voluntary repatriation programs, the impact of withholding legal status on employment, and the role of social networks in survival strategies for refugees.

The document examines the evolution of environmental security, critiquing 'statist' models that view environmental scarcity primarily as a threat to the state. It proposes a 'human security' framework, specifically applying a Sustainable Livelihoods approach to understand how land access and tenure systems in Africa influence poverty and conflict. The author highlights that in southern Africa, colonial legacies of land dispossession and current 'opportunistic land grabbing' by elites exacerbate insecurity. The paper concludes that sustainable security requires moving beyond technical fixes to address the underlying power imbalances, governance failures, and social injustices that drive environmental and human insecurity.

The document examines the link between poverty, human insecurity, and conflict in sub-Saharan Africa. It argues that the 'security first' approach of international donors is flawed because it focuses on state security while ignoring the structural economic collapse caused by neo-liberal structural adjustment programmes and unsustainable debt. The author describes 'new wars' in Africa as rational economic responses to exclusion, where warlords utilize global markets for lootable commodities. The paper advocates for a shift toward 'human security' and a significant increase in official development assistance (ODA) to meet Millennium Development Goals, warning that current donor strategies continue to prioritize market liberalization over genuine poverty alleviation.

The document details the career of Salim Ahmed Salim, a Tanzanian diplomat who played a central role in the decolonisation of Africa and the fight against apartheid. It examines his strategic work within the UN Special Committee on Decolonization, his efforts to secure material support for liberation movements, and his tenure as Secretary-General of the OAU (1989–2001). The text highlights his contributions to the institutional transformation of the OAU into the African Union, his advocacy for 'non-indifference' in the face of genocide and war crimes, and his work in conflict resolution in regions such as Darfur and the Great Lakes.

The document analyzes the evolution of Rhodesian command and control from the early Joint Operations Centres (JOCs) to the creation of Combined Operations (COMOPS). It highlights systemic failures, including inter-service friction between the Army and Police, the absence of a coherent national strategy, and the over-centralization of tactical decisions by high command, which marginalized operational commanders and neglected long-term strategic planning.

The document analyzes the Rhodesian Security Forces' strategy of conducting cross-border raids to disrupt ZANLA and ZAPU insurgent bases and logistics. It details operations in Mozambique, where the focus shifted from inflicting casualties to logistical disruption as ZANLA adopted dispersed camp structures; in Zambia, where physical barriers and political constraints limited early actions before escalating to pre-emptive strikes against ZPRA; and in Botswana and Angola, which served as transit and training hubs. The text concludes that while external operations were a military necessity, they were constrained by limited aircraft, the political cost of white casualties, and the inability of Rhodesian weaponry to defeat hardened insurgent bunkers.

The research paper analyzes the development of the Botswana Defence Force (BDF), arguing that the state was initially born without war-making capacity due to a preference for peace and fear of military coups. The BDF was eventually created in 1977 as a reactive response to regional instability and incursions by the Rhodesian government. The authors assess the BDF's professionalism, its challenges regarding the recruitment of women and the impact of HIV/AIDS, and the effectiveness of executive and parliamentary oversight. It concludes that while the BDF is professional and well-integrated into regional peacekeeping, it faces future challenges related to shrinking national resources and the need for a formal national security strategy.

The document provides a historical analysis of youth involvement in Mozambique's political change, arguing that young people have often been the 'engine for change' but have also been subject to systemic exploitation and manipulation. It traces the shift from youth seeking economic autonomy through migrant labour during Portuguese colonialism to their role as ideological tools for Frelimo's socialist project after independence. The text highlights the blurred lines between civilian and military roles during the civil war, specifically challenging the narrative that only Renamo used child soldiers by documenting Frelimo's forced recruitment and deceptive schooling programmes. It concludes that while youth were central to the nation's formation, contemporary Mozambican youth feel unheard and marginalized by the current regime.

The document argues that post-conflict recovery requires a shift from short-term humanitarian relief to a sustainable livelihoods approach that addresses the root causes of conflict, such as poverty, powerlessness, and the loss of assets. It examines the 'deadly triad' of food insecurity, HIV/AIDS, and conflict, and provides frameworks for analyzing household vulnerability and the political economy of war. Case studies from Angola, Sudan, Mozambique, and Uganda illustrate the importance of integrating emergency relief with long-term developmental support, particularly for internally displaced persons (IDPs) and the urban poor.

The report provides a baseline study of security sector governance (SSG) across six Southern African nations and the SADC Organ on Politics, Defence and Security Cooperation. It finds that while legal frameworks for civilian control often exist, implementation is hindered by political interference, corruption, and capacity shortages. Key issues include the politicisation of security forces in Zimbabwe and the DRC, poor prison conditions across the region, and weak parliamentary oversight. The document argues for a shift toward a human security paradigm and the strengthening of independent oversight mechanisms and civil society engagement to ensure accountable security provision.

This research paper examines disarmament as a critical pillar of peace-building in Africa, contrasting the successful model in Sierra Leone with the ongoing challenges in the Democratic Republic of the Congo. It argues that disarmament must be integrated into broader political settlements and national recovery strategies, emphasizing the need for comprehensive planning, inclusive lead agencies, and the addressing of 'special groups' like child soldiers. The text highlights the shift from traditional peacekeeping to multifunctional peace support operations and the increasing role of regional bodies in managing African conflicts.

The African Activists for Climate Justice (AACJ) project, implemented by a consortium including Natural Justice, Oxfam, and others, has worked in Senegal from May 2021 to December 2025 to democratize climate debate and promote inter- and intra-generational climate justice. Key achievements include the creation of six influential networks for women, youth, and local officials, the production of 18 community narratives (podcasts, videos, and comics), and the legal empowerment of communities facing extractive industries. The project has facilitated community participation in national policies such as the Nationally Determined Contribution (NDC) and the National Adaptation Plan, while supporting legal actions and the recognition of Indigenous and Community Conserved Areas (ICCAs) in biodiversity legislation.

The document outlines the transition of Mozambique's land tenure from state ownership to a proposed system that privatises land. It criticises Draft 1 of the new Land Law for lacking legal guarantees for communities, failing to protect against forced displacement, and restricting access to 'unavailable land'. The text highlights that previous consultations for Draft 0 were inadequate, reaching only approximately 75,000 people out of a population of 32 million, and urges citizens to exercise their constitutional right to participate before the February 29, 2024, deadline for comments on Draft 1.

The report analyzes Mozambique's legal landscape regarding traditional knowledge (TK), highlighting a fragmented system where protection is often indirect. While the 2007 ABS Regulation (Decree No. 19/2007) is the primary tool for biodiversity-related TK, it faces implementation challenges and is currently under revision. Other frameworks, including the Industrial Property Code and Copyright Law, offer limited or specific protections like geographical indications. The document emphasizes the role of community participation in natural resource management and identifies poverty, weak community institutions, and lack of legal awareness as major barriers to effective TK protection.

Natural Justice is an African organisation dedicated to social and environmental justice, employing a "Litigation Plus" approach that combines legal empowerment, research, policy influence, and strategic litigation. In 2024, the organisation supported over 30 strategic lawsuits across Africa, including successful challenges against Shell's seismic testing in South Africa and the annulment of an Environmental Impact Assessment for Sosian Energy Ltd in Kenya. The organisation also focuses on securing land tenure, protecting indigenous biocultural heritage in Namibia and Madagascar, and defending environmental defenders, notably supporting 180 activists through an emergency fund, including those protesting the East African Crude Oil Pipeline (EACOP) in Uganda. Additionally, Natural Justice engages in global policy advocacy at UN biodiversity and climate summits to promote human rights-based approaches to conservation and energy transitions.

The 'Three Ps' framework (Principles, Policies and laws, and Practicalities) outlines a community-centric approach to the Just Energy Transition in Africa. It argues that for a transition to be truly 'just,' it must move beyond simple decarbonization to address historical injustices, ensure energy democracy, and protect the land and human rights of local communities. The guide emphasizes the necessity of Free, Prior and Informed Consent (FPIC), the implementation of community-owned renewable energy (CORE) models, and the provision of climate finance in the form of grants rather than loans to avoid further debt for Global South countries.

The report argues that natural gas is more damaging to the climate than coal over a 20-year period due to potent methane leaks throughout its lifecycle. It highlights that 'top-down' measurements using satellites and aircraft reveal significantly higher emissions than traditional 'bottom-up' estimates. The author notes that shale gas and Liquefied Natural Gas (LNG) further increase these emissions, making gas expansion incompatible with a livable climate. This analysis is applied to the proposed Richards Bay power plant, which may source gas from the Karoo basin or via LNG imports from the US or Australia.

The report examines taxation in Cameroon, Mozambique, and South Africa, analyzing how formal institutional designs and informal state-society relations affect revenue collection and development. It finds that while technical reforms (like VAT and semi-autonomous revenue authorities) have increased some revenues, deep-seated perceptions of taxation as a colonial tool of oppression, combined with widespread corruption and a lack of transparency, severely undermine tax morale and voluntary compliance across all three nations.

The research evaluates three dimensions of state capacity—coercion (revenue extraction), co-optation (government spending), and cooperation (trust in institutions)—to determine their impact on the onset of civil war. Using a global dataset, the authors find that high government spending and trustworthy institutions (proxied by contract-intensive money) are significant predictors of civil peace, whereas coercive capacity (relative political capacity) has little predictive power when controlling for other factors. The findings suggest that civil peace is co-produced through social cooperation and the provision of public goods rather than through state repression.