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The workshop concluded that low-carbon options have not yet fundamentally changed the barriers to energy access in Africa, such as high supply costs and weak financing. Participants argued that energy access must be framed as a tool for inclusive development rather than just a grid connection, and that national governments must lead the transition by creating enabling environments and sustainable business models. While the emissions impact of basic energy access is considered negligible, there is a call for stronger evidence linking low-carbon pathways to job creation to convince policymakers.

The document assesses the G-20's food security commitments from an African perspective, focusing on food-price volatility, agricultural productivity, and nutrition. While it finds broad alignment in rhetoric and focus areas, it argues that the G-20 fails to implement critical regulatory reforms in financial markets and trade that would meaningfully benefit Africa.

The document examines Russia's strategic return to Africa after a period of decline in the 1990s. It details the transition from Soviet-era ideological support to a modern, pragmatic approach focused on natural resources, arms trade, and diplomatic influence. The analysis highlights the role of the BRICS framework, particularly South Africa's membership, as a catalyst for renewed engagement. While Russia has established diplomatic ties with all African nations and increased investments in mining and energy, the paper notes a gap between high-level agreements and practical implementation, as well as a continued disparity in attention between North Africa and sub-Saharan Africa.

The author contends that the TTIP agreement will harm countries in the Global South, specifically citing risks to Mexico's clothing industry and citrus exports from South Africa, Egypt, and Morocco. The text argues that the primary goal of TTIP is for the EU and USA to establish global standards and maintain economic dominance, potentially forcing other nations to accept unfavorable terms or splitting the world into competing trade blocs. This process is viewed as a move away from the transparent, multilateral trade order established after World War II.

The author contends that the TTIP will harm the Global South through the diversion of trade flows and the imposition of EU-US standards on other nations. Mexico is highlighted as particularly vulnerable, specifically in its garment industry. The text suggests the agreement is a strategic attempt by the US and EU to bolster their diminishing economic influence and sideline the BRICS nations, potentially undermining the multilateral trading system in favor of a non-transparent, power-driven trade regime.

The Ouarzazate I CSP project achieved a final bid tariff of USD 0.184/kWh, which was 25% lower than initial projections. This reduction was driven by higher estimated annual power generation (425 GWh versus 370 GWh), lower capital costs through increased local manufacturing content (approximately 65%), and a strategic 'early-mover' approach by the winning consortium, ACWA Power. The project utilizes a public-private partnership model where the public sector assumes most political and financial risks, while the private sector manages construction and performance risks. The study concludes that the model is replicable and scalable, as evidenced by the initiation of a second phase for an additional 300MW of solar thermal energy.

The report examines the vulnerability of Senegal to religious radicalism and terrorism, particularly in the context of the conflict in Mali. While the majority of Senegalese citizens and traditional Sufi brotherhoods are viewed as a shield against extremism, the study identifies a growing minority of youth and 'reformist' movements influenced by Salafism and Wahhabism. These groups often express anti-Western sentiments and hostility toward traditional brotherhoods. The report highlights the risk posed by a dual educational system and the 'Islamisation of political contestation,' recommending a multidisciplinary approach to security and a national dialogue on education to mitigate the risk of radicalisation.

The document examines the role of African states in the global nuclear security framework, specifically focusing on the transition from the Nuclear Security Summit process to the IAEA's leadership. It highlights the limited representation of African nations at summits but notes their substantive contributions through treaty ratification and regional cooperation. The brief recommends that African states develop a unified perspective for upcoming international conferences and strengthen domestic legislation to align with global safety and security standards.

The document analyzes Senegal's foreign policy since 2000, noting a transition from 'classic' diplomacy to a 'technicized' approach where the Ministry of Foreign Affairs lost its monopoly to specialized ministries and non-state actors. It highlights the 'hyper-power' of the presidency, the marginalization of the legislative and judicial branches, and a strategic shift toward emerging economic partners like China and Dubai. The paper concludes that while President Abdoulaye Wade's tenure was marked by high personalization and pan-Africanist ambitions, the 2012 election of Macky Sall signaled a return to more traditional diplomatic relations, particularly with France and neighboring states.

The document analyzes Senegalese foreign policy under President Abdoulaye Wade (2000–2012) and the transition to President Macky Sall. It highlights a shift from 'classical' diplomacy led by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs toward a more technical, economy-centered approach involving non-state actors and specialized ministries. The paper emphasizes the 'hyper-power' of the presidency over the legislature and judiciary in external affairs. Key trends include a realignment toward emerging economic powers like China and Dubai, a revival of Pan-Africanist goals through the African Union and Nepad, and a high degree of personalization in diplomacy under Wade. Following the 2012 election, the author notes a return to traditional diplomacy, characterized by restored ties with France and improved relations with neighbors like Gambia and Mauritania.

The report identifies significant gaps in risk mitigation for clean investments, particularly regarding policy and financing risks. It categorizes risks into four groups: political/policy/social, technical/physical, market/commercial, and outcome risks. In developed markets, gaps are most acute for policy risk due to retroactive support cuts and for technical risks in immature technologies. In developing markets, while the supply of political risk insurance is higher, policy risk remains under-covered and financing risks are exacerbated by weak domestic financial institutions. The authors argue that an optimal risk allocation framework should assign exogenous risks (like policy) to the public sector and endogenous risks (like technical) to the private sector.

The report examines the relationship between food price inflation, food security, and trade policy, using Morocco as a case study. It analyzes the drivers of global food price spikes and evaluates Morocco's 'Green Morocco Plan' and its 'guided liberalization' strategy. A specific focus is placed on the lentil market, where high import tariffs on Canadian lentils are argued to encourage irregular trade and increase costs for consumers. The document suggests that reducing these tariffs, combined with targeted social safety nets and productivity investments, could improve food security and accessibility for the Moroccan population.

The document analyzes Senegal's use of patronage, economic influence, and military cooperation to exercise power over Guinea-Bissau from 2000 to 2012. It highlights how Senegal leveraged Guinea-Bissau's instability to secure military support against Casamance separatists, while noting the eventual decline of this influence due to the rise of Angolan involvement and internal Senegalese political shifts.

The document argues that the global energy system is driven by neoliberalism and extractivism, benefiting a small elite while causing climate devastation and energy poverty. It critiques both fossil fuels and certain 'clean' alternatives—such as mega-dams and industrial biofuels—as destructive. The authors advocate for a decentralized, democratically controlled energy system that prioritizes human rights and ecological limits over corporate profit.

The document argues that the global energy system is unsustainable and unjust, driven by neoliberalism and extractivism. It details the environmental and social harms of fossil fuels, nuclear power, and certain 'clean' alternatives, while warning against 'techno-fixes' and corporate-led transitions. It advocates for a decentralized, democratically controlled system that prioritizes basic human rights to energy and a just transition for workers.

The document examines the evolution of suicide attacks in Africa, distinguishing between ad hoc incidents and those part of broader campaigns by groups like AQLIM, al-Shabaab, and Boko Haram. It details tactical advantages, target selection, and delivery methods, while providing a historical analysis of attacks in countries such as Kenya, Tanzania, Tunisia, Morocco, Egypt, Somalia, and Nigeria. The guide also offers recommendations for preventing recruitment and improving intelligence gathering, while warning against repressive counter-terrorism measures that may fuel further radicalization.

The Stockholm Environment Institute is launching a project to analyze the 'new fossil fuel economy,' specifically focusing on how new investments in extraction and trade infrastructure create political and economic dependencies that hinder climate stabilization. The initiative aims to develop new GHG accounting frameworks from a supply perspective, assess equity considerations for supplying countries, and evaluate the social and environmental impacts of unconventional oil, gas, and coal development. Planned case studies include coal infrastructure for Asian markets in Mongolia and Mozambique, oil shale in Estonia, Jordan, Morocco, and the Western U.S., and oil sands in Venezuela's Orinoco basin.

The report analyzes how public resources and well-articulated policies can mitigate risks and costs to attract private capital for green investments. Using case studies from Tunisia, the UK, and Morocco, it demonstrates that targeted public interventions—such as credit guarantees, feed-in tariffs, and concessional lending—can overcome market inertia and perceived risks. It highlights the importance of emerging economies, particularly the role of National Development Banks in China and Brazil, and suggests innovative risk mitigation tools like policy risk insurance and first-loss protection to address gaps in the current financial landscape.

The document argues that the Technology Mechanism, comprising the Technology Executive Committee (TEC) and the Climate Technology Centre and Network (CTC&N), must move beyond a linear view of technology transfer to a systemic approach. It recommends balancing 'push factors' from industrialised countries and 'pull factors' in developing countries to create enabling environments. Key proposals include promoting cooperative research, development and demonstration (RD&D) to bridge the 'valley of death' in financing and establishing a dedicated technology funding window within the Green Climate Fund (GCF).

The document analyzes the UNFCCC Technology Mechanism, consisting of the Technology Executive Committee (TEC) and the Climate Technology Centre and Network (CTC&N). It argues that for the mechanism to succeed, it must move beyond a linear view of technology transfer to a systemic innovation approach. Key recommendations include promoting cooperative research, development, and demonstration (RD&D) to bridge the 'valley of death' in financing, creating 'enabling environments' through both push and pull factors in developed and developing nations, and establishing a dedicated technology funding window within the Green Climate Fund (GCF).