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The study uses satellite data and the InVEST model to analyze carbon sequestration in the Senapati district of Manipur, India, comparing a 'Business as Usual' (BAU) scenario with an 'Environmentally Sound Planning' (ESP) scenario for 2029. It finds that the ESP scenario significantly reduces both dense forest loss and carbon storage decrease compared to the BAU scenario, with the estimated value of carbon sequestration under ESP reaching USD 1,151 million.

The report argues that India's post-pandemic recovery should prioritize 'building back better' by investing in natural capital and nature-based solutions (NbS). It examines the role of public and private finance, the need for a green finance taxonomy, and the importance of integrating biodiversity values into agriculture, infrastructure, and sub-national climate action plans. Key focus areas include land restoration targets, the conservation of wetlands within the Central Asian Flyway, and the mitigation of illegal wildlife trade.

The Land Accelerator South Asia program, launched by the World Resources Institute (WRI) in 2020, supports entrepreneurs developing business models to restore degraded lands. The 2021 cohort grew to 58 entrepreneurs, with women's participation increasing from 13% in 2020 to 31% in 2021. The program provides mentorship, grants, and connections to impact investors to scale solutions in sustainable agriculture, agroforestry, and agritech. This booklet highlights eleven specific startups, detailing their technological solutions—such as AI-based weeding robots, drone-based precision agriculture, and bio-economic waste conversion—and their reported socio-economic and environmental impacts, including increased farmer incomes and carbon sequestration.

The report finds that while energy finance disbursements in high-impact countries grew by over 61% between 2013 and 2018, they still significantly lag behind commitments, with USD 32 billion disbursed against USD 52 billion committed. Between 2002 and 2018, 58% of planned disbursements and 49% of projects experienced delays. These delays are attributed to cumbersome administrative processes, design flaws not adapted to local capacities, and limited access to local financial services.

The report finds that while energy financing disbursements in High-Impact Countries grew by over 61% between 2013 and 2018, they still lag significantly behind commitments, with $32 billion disbursed against $52 billion committed. These delays affect 49% of energy projects in HICs, driven by administrative burdens and poor project design. The document argues that an annual increase of $45 billion in disbursements is needed by 2030 to meet SDG7 goals.

The document analyzes the inefficiencies of India's Public Distribution System (PDS) for kerosene, noting high rates of leakage and poor targeting. It argues that current subsidies make solar lighting less cost-competitive for households, particularly for mid- and high-end systems. The authors recommend streamlining eligibility, phasing out subsidies in electrified areas, and redirecting funds toward a 'lighting subsidy' for solar solutions.

The report argues that India's kerosene subsidy program is highly inefficient due to significant leakages and poor service quality. It proposes replacing these subsidies with targeted support for solar-based lighting in rural areas and liquefied petroleum gas (LPG) for urban-poor households, asserting that such a transition would be economically beneficial for both the government and the beneficiaries.

The document examines the transition of women's roles in Manipur from the monarchical era to the present day under Indian governance. It highlights a historical tradition of high social status and political agency, exemplified by the Nupi Keithel market and the Nupi Lal uprisings, which contrasts with contemporary barriers to electoral politics. The author argues that while women are largely excluded from formal political decision-making, they remain powerful agents of peace and human rights through civil society organizations, such as the Meira Paibis and EEVFAM, particularly in protesting atrocities committed under the Armed Forces Special Powers Act (AFSPA).

The workshop brought together 60 participants from India and Nepal to evaluate the shortcomings of the Clean Development Mechanism (CDM) and explore the potential of Nationally Appropriate Mitigation Actions (NAMAs). Participants emphasized the need to integrate human rights and robust safeguards into the 2015 Paris climate agreement and the Indian national policy framework. Key outcomes included the agreement to form a civil society working group to coordinate demands for the Indian government and the decision to write an open letter to Prime Minister Modi ahead of COP 20.

The report examines the history and impact of the Sixth Schedule and territorial councils in Northeast India, arguing that while intended to protect tribal interests and integrate the region into India, these structures have often incentivized ethno-nationalism and 'homeland politics'. It analyzes specific settlements like the Bodoland Territorial Council (BTC) and the Karbi Anglong Autonomous Territorial Council (KAATC), noting that the BTC's model of ethnic reservation may institutionalize tribal enclaves, whereas the KAATC settlement introduces promising measures for financial transparency and grassroots devolution. The author concludes that peace depends on moving beyond ad hoc concessions to armed groups and involving civil society in autonomy negotiations.

The document examines the hybrid logistical system developed by the British-Indian Army to conduct pacification campaigns in difficult terrains. It focuses on four key themes: the use of non-combatant manpower (coolies), the construction of strategic roads, the utilization of rivers and boats, and the deployment of various animals for transport. The author argues that the British integrated indigenous resources with imported management techniques to project power, creating a 'geo-bio power' framework that allowed them to maintain operational reach where tribal forces lacked logistical infrastructure.

The paper examines how women in a conflict-affected district of Assam utilize the concept of 'motherhood' to enter the political sphere and engage in peacebuilding. It challenges security expert assumptions that these women lack independent agency, finding instead that while they are often linked to tribal identities and militant factions, they use these alliances to build political power. The author notes a tension between 'motherhood' as a tool for tribal mobilization and as a potential basis for a common female identity for peace. The study also highlights the barriers to formal political participation, such as male-dominated party structures and a lack of seat reservations in tribal areas.

The research analyzes Naga militancy in Northeast India, specifically examining how ceasefires between the Indian government and groups like the National Socialist Council of Nagalim (NSCN) have influenced the conflict. The author argues that ceasefires can disrupt internal group cohesion, create operational opportunities for illegal activities, and fuel inter-group rivalry. Data from the South Asia Terrorism Portal indicates that while ceasefires reduced encounters between security forces and militants, civilian and 'terrorist' fatalities increased between 1992 and 2010. The study concludes that the current ceasefire regime empowers signatory groups and legitimizes armed actors, creating a framework for 'violent politics' rather than a path to a political settlement.

The document argues that the conflict in Northeast India is not merely a series of ethnic disputes between the state and non-state actors, but a complex system of 'parapolitics' where state and non-state agents often collaborate in shadow economies. It examines how the Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act (AFSPA) has regularized a 'state of exception', creating a zone of anomie where security forces and militant groups compete for the monopoly of violence. The author highlights the role of illicit extraction, such as timber smuggling in the Bodo Territorial Autonomous District (BTAD), and the use of ceasefire agreements to legitimize insurgent 'armies' and their extortion networks.