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The document analyzes the conflict dynamics of the Tuareg in North Africa and the Sahel, arguing that the violence is rooted in the loss of traditional livelihood resources and systemic political exclusion. It examines how post-independence land reforms, severe droughts in the 1970s and 1980s, and the industrial exploitation of uranium and gold have marginalized the Tuareg. The paper details the specific trajectories of conflict in Mali and Niger, the assimilation policies in Algeria, and the destabilizing role of Libya. It concludes that peace requires a comprehensive approach addressing the root causes of poverty and resource inequality rather than treating the Tuareg as terrorists.

The author analyzes President Obama's 2009 speech in Ghana, noting a transition from viewing Africa instrumentally through the 'war on terror' to seeing its development as intrinsic to global security. The new policy rests on four pillars: democracy and good governance, smart development assistance, public health, and conflict reduction. However, the author argues that the US's influence has diminished due to the Iraq war and the domestic financial crisis, allowing China, the EU, Russia, India, and Brazil to offer more programmatic or comprehensive partnerships. The document suggests that African nations, such as Ghana, can benefit from this competition by diversifying their partnerships across different global powers to meet specific national needs.

The author contends that structural adjustment programmes (SAPs) and subsequent 'good governance' prescriptions failed to spur development in Africa because they focused on formal institutional arrangements while ignoring neo-patrimonialism. In neo-patrimonial states, rulers are primarily accountable to followers (clients) rather than the general public, creating a tension with Western norms of transparency. The paper suggests that state decay occurs when the informal sphere fully takes over formal structures, leading to a 'self-reinforcing spiral of state decay'. To reverse this, the author argues that African governments must move away from donor-driven blueprints and instead operationalise local, indigenous measures of legitimacy and accountability to serve developmental goals.

The paper examines the failure of structural adjustment programs and subsequent 'good governance' initiatives in Africa. It posits that the tension between formal institutional norms and informal neo-patrimonial practices—where leaders prioritize clients over the general public—has led to state decay. The author argues that for governance to be effective, it must be conceptualized locally, integrating informal realities into development plans rather than merely replicating Western models of transparency and accountability.

The document examines how anthropogenic climate change and rapid population growth intensify resource competition and instability in Africa. It highlights the continent's low adaptive capacity due to poverty and weak governance, while noting that resource scarcity does not linearly lead to war but can also foster cooperation.

The report analyzes the environmental and social footprints of China's rapid economic growth within three specific sectors: forestry, cotton, and E-products. It argues that because China is a central 'middleman' in global supply chains, it shares responsibility with international partners to address degradation. For forestry, the report highlights China's role as a major importer of illegally logged timber and recommends building capacity in supplying countries and adopting sustainable procurement. In the cotton sector, it notes high water and pesticide use in domestic production and suggests promoting sustainable sourcing and Sino-African cooperation. For E-products, it focuses on the crisis of E-waste and the toxicity of informal recycling, recommending a national E-waste strategy and international cooperation on responsible disposal. The overarching strategy emphasizes national capacity building, leveraging sustainable markets through green procurement, and active participation in international sustainability standards.

The paper examines various target-setting regimes, including the UN Millennium Development Goals and the US Government Performance Results Act, to identify critical success factors for policy implementation. It argues that successful target regimes require a combination of outcome-based indicators, strong local ownership, and integration with budgeting processes. The authors suggest that these insights can help climate policy by translating long-term emissions goals into achievable intermediate outcomes and robust governance frameworks.

The document examines the methodological requirements for conducting representative public opinion surveys to support the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM). It argues that while participatory consultations are useful for public ownership, they often produce biased results. Instead, the author advocates for random probability sampling, noting that relatively small samples (e.g., 1,200 respondents) can provide accurate national estimates. The paper outlines essential prerequisites—such as recent census data and freedom of travel—and warns against the common error of polling only heads of households, which biases results toward older, employed males. It also provides a practical timeline and cost estimate for implementing such surveys in Africa.

Friends of the Earth has released a report titled “Voices from Communities Affected by Climate Change,” documenting first-hand experiences of climate impacts from diverse groups including indigenous peoples and small-scale fisherfolk across multiple continents. The organization uses these testimonies to call for a roadmap toward a post-Kyoto agreement in 2012, emphasizing that wealthy nations must lead in reducing greenhouse gas emissions and financing adaptation for poorer communities. The document highlights the need for climate justice through a moratorium on fossil fuel extraction, the promotion of energy sovereignty, and the fulfillment of UNFCCC obligations for wealthy countries to fund adaptation in developing nations, which may require an additional $50–100 billion annually.

The report examines China's pivotal role as a major cotton producer, importer, and textile exporter, highlighting the environmental degradation caused by intensive chemical and water use in domestic production. It compares these impacts with those in other regions, noting that rain-fed production in West Africa offers a more sustainable alternative. The document evaluates four future scenarios up to 2020, arguing that internalizing environmental costs and shifting sourcing toward sustainable African production can improve global sustainability. Key recommendations include developing a national information strategy on sustainability, adopting international standards like the Better Cotton Initiative, and eliminating duties on African cotton imports.

The paper examines the methodological requirements for conducting credible representative public opinion surveys within the framework of the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM). It contrasts the limitations of 'participatory' consultations—which often suffer from self-selection bias—with the precision of random probability sampling. The author provides technical guidance on sample sizes, the necessity of accurate census data, and the importance of sampling individual citizens rather than household heads. It also outlines the practical costs and timelines for implementing such surveys in Africa, suggesting that national surveys of 1,200 respondents typically cost between $85,000 and $125,000.

The document is a publication catalog from the WRI Institutions and Governance Program, detailing research on the structure and outcomes of natural resource decentralizations. It lists reports, journal articles, and working papers stemming from a 2001 comparative project and subsequent initiatives focused on institutional choice, recognition, and commodity chain analysis. The research covers a wide array of countries across Africa, Asia, and Latin America, examining the intersection of local democracy, property rights, and environmental governance.

The paper examines the relationship between elections and democracy, arguing that while elections are primary prerequisites for democracy, they are often used in Africa as 'window-dressing rituals' to legitimate existing regimes. It analyzes various electoral systems, the critical role of independent electoral commissions, judiciaries, and militaries, and the functions of international and domestic observation. Additionally, it explores the nature of African political parties, noting their tendency to be ethnically based, personalized, and non-institutionalized.

The workshop examined how elections in Africa often serve as sources of conflict due to poor management, weak institutional frameworks, and the manipulation of state power by ruling parties. Participants discussed the role of regional bodies like ECOWAS and SADC, the limitations of the African Charter on Democracy, Elections and Governance, and the specific failures of Zimbabwe's 2008 elections. The event concluded with recommendations for strengthening the African Union's role in election observation and the need for national constitutional reforms aligned with continental frameworks.

The report examines the historical and socio-economic drivers of terrorism in the Maghreb, focusing on the transition of domestic groups into transnational networks. It details the activities of the GSPC/AQLIM in Algeria, the role of small cell structures in Morocco, and the state-led containment strategies in Tunisia. The document also analyzes the influence of European support networks, the recruitment of North Africans for the insurgency in Iraq, and the effectiveness of various counter-terrorism strategies, including amnesty programs and socio-economic development.

The Handbook for African Civil Society outlines the operational framework of the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM), a tool for intra-African governance review. It details the five stages of the review process—from self-assessment to official publication—and the continental and national structures that manage it. The guide emphasizes that CSOs must take proactive leadership 'upstream' rather than waiting for government invitations to ensure their interests are represented in National Governance Commissions and National Programmes of Action. It identifies four key review areas: democracy and political governance, economic governance, corporate governance, and socio-economic development. The document also analyzes barriers to CSO engagement, such as fear of governments, lack of resources, and internal disorganization, while offering strategies to influence power centers including the APRM Panel, the Continental Secretariat, and national parliaments.

The document examines the 'education crisis' in Sub-Saharan Africa, arguing that the narrow focus on the UN Millennium Development Goals' target of universal primary education has compromised teaching quality and diverted funds from secondary and tertiary levels. It highlights critical barriers to progress, including the HIV/AIDS epidemic, severe teacher shortages, outdated colonial curricula, and gender disparities. The report contends that without systemic reforms—including better teacher training, increased investment in science and mathematics, and a shift toward vocational and secondary education—the region will remain economically marginalised and unable to compete globally.

The paper examines the tendency of executive branches in Africa to monopolize power, attributing this to inherited colonial structures and a lack of institutional capacity. It highlights how the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM) has exposed these governance deficiencies. The author argues that while formal separation of powers exists, it is undermined by political realities and a culture of the 'Big Man'. To counter this, the document advocates for empowering civil society with information to hold the executive accountable and bolstering the independence and resources of the legislature and judiciary.

The document analyzes the tendency of executive branches in African governments to monopolize power, often resulting in the 'big man' cult of personality. It argues that while constitutional frameworks for the separation of powers exist, they are frequently undermined by political realities, lack of resources, and colonial legacies. The author suggests that effective legislative and judicial bodies, supported by an informed and active civil society, are essential to curbing executive abuse and ensuring good governance.

The paper assesses the inadequacy of Africa's counterterrorism framework, highlighting the failure of the African Union (AU) and member states to operationalize the African Centre for the Study and Research on Terrorism in Algiers. It identifies specific regional vulnerabilities—including Somalia, the Sahel, Nigeria, and South Africa—and proposes a practical division of labour between the Algiers centre, key states, and regional organisations to improve security capacity.