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The document examines the evolving relationship between France and Senegal, highlighting a shift from exclusive ties to a more diversified partnership under President Abdoulaye Wade. While France remains the primary economic partner and donor, the paper details periods of diplomatic tension, the reduction of French military presence, and a renewed cordiality following the 2012 elections of Macky Sall and François Hollande.

The statement analyzes South Africa's role in the BRICS forum and its aspirations for global governance reform, while cautioning that domestic instability and military setbacks in the Central African Republic may undermine its international prestige and leadership in Africa.

The report analyzes the shift in power dynamics in Mali after the 2013 French military intervention. It notes that while the intervention strengthened the authority of the interim presidency and marginalized the 2012 coup leaders, deep-seated governance issues and tensions between the state and armed groups in the north remain. The author argues that military success must be followed by inclusive national reconciliation and a credible electoral process to avoid a return to previous systemic failures.

The report analyzes the shift in power relations in Mali after the 2013 French military intervention, noting a 're-presidentialised' political system and a temporary decline in the influence of the 2012 military junta. It argues that while military gains in the north have been achieved, lasting stability requires inclusive reconciliation that addresses the grievances of northern communities and a credible electoral process that avoids returning to previous patterns of corruption. The author cautions against a traditional UN peacekeeping mission, suggesting a peace support operation instead, and emphasizes the need for comprehensive security sector reform and regional cooperation to counter terrorist and criminal networks.

The Green Economy Coalition outlines a vision for a global economic transition that prioritizes ecological limits and social equity over traditional GDP growth. It emphasizes that economics is the 'language of power' and must be used to influence treasuries and boardrooms. The briefing identifies five critical action areas—natural systems, people, economic sectors, financial flows, and governance/measurement—and discusses the role of Rio+20 as a stepping stone toward this transition. It also addresses the tension between the need for economic growth in developing nations and the imperative for resource contraction in developed nations, proposing concepts like the circular economy and 'beyond GDP' metrics to resolve the impasse.

The document evaluates the transition from the Working Party on Aid Effectiveness to the Global Partnership for Effective Development Cooperation (GPEDC). It argues that while the new partnership is more inclusive, it struggles with a weak monitoring framework, slow operationalization of indicators, and a governance structure that still feels dominated by Northern paradigms. The author highlights the 'African Consensus' as a tool for continental coherence and notes the reluctance of major South-South providers like China, India, and Brazil to adhere to OECD-DAC standards, suggesting a need for separate Southern effectiveness frameworks.

The document examines the evolution of suicide attacks in Africa, distinguishing between ad hoc incidents and those part of broader campaigns by groups like AQLIM, al-Shabaab, and Boko Haram. It details tactical advantages, target selection, and delivery methods, while providing a historical analysis of attacks in countries such as Kenya, Tanzania, Tunisia, Morocco, Egypt, Somalia, and Nigeria. The guide also offers recommendations for preventing recruitment and improving intelligence gathering, while warning against repressive counter-terrorism measures that may fuel further radicalization.

The report identifies a 'syndrome of fragility' in Africa driven by the interaction of poor governance, conflict, inequality, and poverty. Using the International Futures (IFs) system, it forecasts that while 16 of the 26 identified 'more fragile' states could transition toward resilience by 2050, ten countries—including the DRC, Somalia, and South Sudan—are at risk of remaining in a fragility trap. The analysis warns that climate change and democratic deficits could exacerbate these risks, and recommends long-term national development plans, extractive sector reform, and direct cash transfers to the poor to pivot toward a more optimistic future.

The document describes a planned conference, 'The APRM +10: Reviewing a Decade of Peer Learning and Projecting a Future of Governance in Africa', to be held in Addis Ababa in May 2013. It seeks to evaluate the APRM's progress since its 2003 establishment, specifically focusing on the implementation of National Programmes of Action (NPoAs) and the role of civil society in holding member states accountable. The briefing highlights the tension between the voluntary nature of the APRM and the compulsory nature of the African Charter on Democracy, Elections and Governance (ACDEG), while calling for better synergies between the APRM and other AU organs, such as the Pan African Parliament and the Peace and Security Commission.

The document analyzes the 'troubling confusion' in Nigeria's strategy against Boko Haram, contrasting a military-oriented approach supported by the EU with reports of secret peace talks in Senegal. It suggests that the government's responses are incoherent and may be driven by political motives related to President Jonathan's 2015 re-election bid. The briefing recommends moving toward a bottom-up dialogue strategy and improving the delivery of public goods to address the underlying socio-economic grievances that fuel the violence.

The document argues that South Africa's inclusion in the BRICS (Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa) is justified by its influence in shaping the global economic agenda rather than just its GDP. It highlights how the BRICS, and specifically the BASIC group (Brazil, South Africa, India, and China), have challenged the dominance of advanced economies in the WTO and UNFCCC. The author notes the group's role in promoting South-South cooperation, increasing trade and investment with low-income countries, and pushing for reforms in the IMF and other Bretton Woods Institutions to better reflect current global economic realities.

The paper assesses the continuity of French Africa policy under President François Hollande and identifies opportunities for South Africa to partner with France. It suggests that while the two nations may differ on specific conflicts, their shared interests in democratic governance and security, combined with France's permanent seat on the UN Security Council and South Africa's influence in the African Union, create a strategic basis for collaboration.

The document examines Africa's role in the 'global nuclear renaissance,' noting that the continent holds 18% of world uranium resources. It details the production activities of Namibia, Niger, Malawi, and South Africa, while identifying emerging exploration in countries like the Central African Republic and Tanzania. The author argues that while uranium mining provides significant GDP contributions and employment, it is plagued by governance challenges, including a lack of institutional capacity to monitor environmental and health impacts. The paper compares African practices with those in Canada and Australia and suggests that strengthening government capacity and adopting international best practices, such as those from the IAEA and EITI, are essential for sustainable development.

The document is an appendix to a research paper that lists specific conflict episodes where natural resources played a role. It categorizes these links into mechanisms such as financing, distribution, and aggravation, providing brief descriptions of how resources like oil, diamonds, timber, and land influenced the conflicts across various global regions.

The document discusses the election of South Africa's Dr Nkosazana Dlamini-Zuma as head of the African Union (AU) Commission on 15 July 2012. It analyzes the aggressive campaign by South Africa and SADC, the reasons for her success—including election fatigue and the absence of key opponents—and the potential for resistance from AU members who perceive South Africa as having 'bullied' its way into the position. Despite these tensions, the briefing suggests her administrative skills and pan-African knowledge could improve AU functionality and consolidate peace, security, and governance initiatives.

The document argues that the Clean Development Mechanism (CDM) has failed its dual goals of reducing emissions and promoting sustainable development. It highlights that 40-70% of projects are non-additional, meaning they would have occurred without CDM registration, and that many projects cause social and environmental harm. The signatories call for the exclusion of fossil fuel and large hydro projects, the implementation of 'do no harm' assessments, and the creation of meaningful public participation and grievance mechanisms.

The document analyzes the International Bar Association's Model Mining Development Agreement (MMDA 1.0), providing a template and narrative to ensure mining contracts promote sustainable development, transparency, and equitable resource distribution. It details key contractual areas including land tenure, royalties, taxation, and community obligations, while emphasizing the use of international standards like the IFC Performance Standards and EITI. Additionally, the report investigates the existence of similar model agreements for the oil and gas sector, concluding that no internationally accepted model currently exists despite the availability of various national form contracts.

The report argues that secrecy in large-scale land deals drives bad governance and human rights abuses. It proposes a precautionary principle of "if in doubt, disclose" and identifies four critical entry points for transparency: participatory land use planning, free prior and informed consent (FPIC), public disclosure of all contracts, and independent multi-stakeholder oversight.

The report details a global movement of small-scale farmers and activists resisting the corporate power of agribusiness, specifically Monsanto. It highlights legal battles, moratoria, and direct actions against GM crops in Europe, India, Latin America, and Africa. The document argues that the 'green economy' and 'climate-smart agriculture' frameworks are being used to further corporate control over seeds and land through market-based mechanisms and carbon offsets, while promoting food sovereignty as a sustainable alternative.

The report details a global movement of peasants and civil society organizations resisting Monsanto's influence on agriculture. It highlights specific battles in Europe, India, Latin America, and Africa, where activists fight against GMO seeds, toxic pesticides like Roundup, and the corporate control of seed systems. The document argues that the 'green economy' and 'climate-smart agriculture' are market-driven frameworks that facilitate corporate land grabbing and the spread of biotechnology. It advocates for food sovereignty—the right of peoples to define their own food and production systems—as a sustainable path to mitigate climate change and ensure food security.