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The Centre for Environmental Rights (CER), representing groundWork, Earthlife Africa, and the Mining and Environmental Justice Community Network of South Africa, submitted formal objections to the Revised Draft Environmental Impact Assessment (EIA) for the proposed Musina-Makhado Special Economic Zone (EMSEZ). The CER argues that the EIA is fatally flawed due to procedural unfairness, inadequate public participation, and significant gaps in specialist studies regarding climate change, water scarcity, air quality, and human health. The document asserts that the project's high negative environmental impacts likely outweigh its projected socio-economic benefits and that an environmental authorisation should be denied.

The report argues that the IDC's investment in MC Mining demonstrates a continued funding of unsustainable, climate-risky projects and highlights critical failures in the IDC's Responsible Investment Policy and due diligence processes. It details the environmental and social risks associated with MC Mining's operations in the Soutpansberg area, including threats to the Mapungubwe World Heritage Site and the Vhembe Biosphere Reserve. The document concludes that the IDC's lack of transparency and failure to integrate sustainability and human rights standards into its decision-making expose public funds to significant risks and undermine South Africa's climate goals.

The policy brief examines the lack of a uniform definition of violence prevention in South Africa, presenting perspectives from children, researchers, NGOs, government officials, and private sector partners. It argues that effective prevention requires moving beyond criminal justice responses to address structural drivers such as poverty, inequality, and patriarchy through a collective, multi-layered social compact.

The paper argues that while the South African government showed increased responsiveness during the Covid-19 crisis, the pandemic exacerbated existing inequalities, food poverty, and state violence. It highlights a divide between a government-business coalition and a marginalized civil society, while noting that corruption in PPE and food relief procurement continued to undermine public trust.

The Centre for Environmental Rights, representing groundWork, Earthlife Africa, and MEJCON-SA, objects to the Musina-Makhado Special Economic Zone (MMSEZ) based on severe climate, water, and health risks. The document argues that the project's estimated greenhouse gas emissions would account for 11%-16% of South Africa's total carbon budget and that the region lacks sufficient water to support the development. It further alleges a conflict of interest, as the decision-making authority (LEDET) is the holding company of the project applicant (LEDA). The objectors claim the DEIR is fatally flawed due to missing social and geohydrological impact assessments and an inadequate public participation process.

The Budget Justice Coalition (BJC) argues that South Africa's National Treasury has implemented a regressive austerity budget since 2012, prioritising debt reduction over essential social spending. This approach has led to systemic underinvestment in health, education, and social security, which the BJC claims was exacerbated by the COVID-19 pandemic. The report, 'Imali Yesizwe', advocates for a transition to a human rights-based budget that focuses on progressive tax reform, the introduction of a Universal Basic Income Grant (UBIG), and increased investment in the care economy and clean energy. It specifically criticises the use of Zero Based Budgeting (ZBB) as a tool for cuts and calls for greater fiscal transparency and public participation in the budgeting process to ensure the progressive realisation of constitutional rights.

The document examines the governance of Lephalale, a mining town in Limpopo, South Africa, arguing that the municipality's lack of land ownership and institutional capacity has allowed private mining interests, specifically Exxaro and Eskom, to maintain control over urban development. It highlights how the Medupi power station project exposed these weaknesses, leading to the creation of the Lephalale Development Forum (LDF), which the author describes as a parallel administration that prioritizes corporate interests over democratic spatial integration.

The research examines a period of extreme instability in the Mogalakwena Local Municipality following the violent return of ousted mayor Tlhalefi Mashamaite in November 2014. Using a Foucauldian framework, the author argues that the new leadership employed 'regimes of visibility, exclusion, and truth' to discipline and co-opt municipal officials who had been loyal to the previous municipal manager, Willy Kekana. The study details how techniques such as strategic surveillance, irregular HR practices, and forced public narratives were used to create a toxic environment of fear and uncertainty, effectively subjugating the professional bureaucracy to the new political regime.

The research examines the role of 'paperwork powerplays' in the Mogalakwena Local Municipality, where opposing political factions used official reports, agendas, and forensic audits to legitimise their actions and delegitimise rivals. It highlights how the language of 'good governance' and the perceived objectivity of auditing firms like KPMG were weaponised to frame complex political feuds as binary struggles between integrity and corruption. The study concludes that documents serve as critical resources for state power and calls for greater public access to state archives to ensure democratic accountability.

The paper examines the gap between the de jure framework of decentralisation in South Africa and the practical realities in municipalities. It argues that while decentralisation aims to improve service delivery and accountability, it is often compromised by 'elite capture', capacity constraints, and the misuse of recentralisation mechanisms for political ends. Through case studies of Mogalakwena and Lephalale, the author demonstrates how provincial political battles and the legacy of private-sector 'company town' governance hinder the provision of basic public goods.

The South African Water Caucus (SAWC) issued a series of letters between April and August 2020 to the South African government, including the Minister of Water and Sanitation and the President, demanding emergency water and sanitation services. The correspondence highlights a critical lack of access to clean water and soap in numerous rural and informal settlements, which the SAWC argues increases the risk of COVID-19 transmission and violates constitutional rights. The document includes detailed annexures listing specific communities in the Western Cape, Limpopo, Eastern Cape, Mpumalanga, KwaZulu-Natal, Gauteng, and Free State suffering from dry taps, unreliable water tankers, and inadequate sanitation.

The project aims to protect 22 surface Strategic Water Source Areas (SWSAs) that supply 50% of the region's water. It proposes a $20 million investment ($10 million from GCF) to implement climate-responsive mapping, strengthen regulatory frameworks, rehabilitate catchments upstream of water infrastructure, and develop natural capital accounts. The initiative targets 5.8 million direct beneficiaries and seeks to mitigate risks from increasing droughts, rainfall variability, and invasive alien plants.

The report argues that South African municipalities are in a state of financial distress because the fiscal framework designed in the 1998 White Paper overestimated the ability of local governments to fund their operating expenditures through property rates and service charges. While the framework assumed 73% of operating costs could be covered by own revenue, the authors estimate the actual figure is likely less than 50%. This gap forces tariff increases that erode the 'social wage'—the state's strategy of providing affordable basic services to reduce poverty. The paper notes that good governance alone cannot solve this structural deficit, as even municipalities with clean audits often end the year in deficit. It further highlights that Eskom's direct supply of electricity to many households removes a key credit control tool for municipalities, hindering the collection of rates and taxes. The authors conclude that the system is fundamentally unsound and requires a complete redesign based on empirical data regarding service costs and household affordability.

The South African Water Caucus (SAWC) is demanding urgent government intervention to provide water and sanitation to over 200 communities across South Africa. The letter highlights systemic failures in water distribution, the inadequacy of the Department of Water and Sanitation's hotline, and the severe health risks posed to vulnerable populations during the COVID-19 pandemic. It provides a detailed annexure of affected areas in the Western Cape, Limpopo, Eastern Cape, Mpumalanga, KwaZulu-Natal, Gauteng, and Free State, citing issues such as dry taps, polluted water sources, and a lack of soap and sanitation products.

The South African Water Caucus (SAWC) is urging the Department of Water and Sanitation (DWS) to address critical water and sanitation shortages in more than 200 communities. The letter highlights failures in the DWS hotline, the lack of coordination via the National Disaster Water Command Centre, and the severe health risks posed to vulnerable populations during the COVID-19 pandemic. It provides a detailed annexure of affected areas across several provinces, including the Western Cape, Limpopo, Eastern Cape, Mpumalanga, KwaZulu-Natal, Gauteng, and Free State, where residents rely on polluted rivers, unreliable water trucks, or have no infrastructure at all.

The South African Water Caucus (SAWC) has submitted an urgent request to Minister Lindiwe Sisulu for the provision of water tanks, tankers, and sanitation packs for communities across several South African provinces. The document details systemic failures in water infrastructure, including dry taps, unreliable water trucking, and a lack of soap and sanitation services, which are exacerbated by COVID-19 lockdown restrictions. SAWC specifically criticizes the Department of Human Settlements, Water and Sanitation's hotline as non-functional and inaccessible to rural populations, and calls for weekly public updates from the National Disaster Water Command Centre.

The South African Water Caucus (SAWC) has formally requested that the Department of Human Settlements, Water and Sanitation and the National Disaster Water Command Centre urgently provide water tanks, tankers, and sanitation packs to numerous communities across South Africa. The request emphasizes that lack of clean water and soap increases the risk of contracting COVID-19, violating constitutional rights to an environment not harmful to health. The SAWC identifies specific failures in several provinces, including unreliable water trucking, unaffordable private water costs, and police harassment of women collecting water. The document calls for weekly public updates on the National Disaster Water Command Centre's activities and a dedicated contact person for updating the list of affected communities.

This case study describes the first climate change court case in South Africa, concerning the environmental authorisation of the 1200MW Thabametsi coal-fired power station.

The Civil Society Working Group on State Capture provides a comprehensive roadmap for the South African state to address the systemic impacts of corruption. The submission focuses on five critical areas: strengthening criminal justice agencies, holding private-sector enablers accountable, reforming political party funding, protecting state-owned enterprises (SOEs), and safeguarding the rights of vulnerable groups. It emphasizes that state capture has caused severe human costs, including the erosion of basic rights to healthcare, education, and social security, and calls for urgent prosecutions and asset recovery to restore public trust.

The Centre for Environmental Rights (CER) provides a supplementary table of comments on the National Environmental Management Laws Amendment Bill, 2017 [B14D-2017]. The document details proposed amendments to several South African environmental laws, including the National Environmental Management Act (NEMA), the Protected Areas Act (NEMPAA), and the Integrated Coastal Management Act (NEMICMA), offering specific critiques and alternative wording to strengthen environmental protection and enforcement.