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As of November 2016, the Green Climate Fund (GCF) had approved 74 readiness and preparatory support requests for 61 countries, totaling USD 21.9 million. The programme focuses on strengthening national designated authorities (NDAs), supporting the accreditation of direct access entities, and facilitating adaptation planning. While cumulative commitments from 2014-2016 totaled approximately USD 24.6 million, projected demand for 2017 is expected to rise significantly to over USD 120 million, driven by increased interest in national adaptation plans and strategic frameworks. The GCF is also expanding its support for direct access entities and coordinating with international partners to streamline readiness support.

The document identifies six key risks in Liberia's forest conversion laws, including land use conflicts and community dispossession, and suggests reforms such as passing the Land Rights Bill and implementing multi-stakeholder land use planning.

The document analyzes the legal mechanisms for clearing natural forests for other uses in Liberia, highlighting a lack of national land use planning and poor coordination between government agencies. It examines the roles of the Forest Development Authority (FDA) and the Environmental Protection Agency (EPA), the status of community forest rights, and the challenges of integrating conversion timber into the Voluntary Partnership Agreement (VPA) with the European Union.

The 2016 assessment of NYDF Goal 2 reveals a growing number of corporate commitments to deforestation-free supply chains, with 415 companies making 701 pledges. However, progress is uneven across commodities; palm oil and wood products have the highest commitment rates, while cattle—the largest driver of deforestation—has the lowest. Implementation remains a challenge, as few companies have time-bound actionable plans or full traceability to the production level. While companies in deforestation hotspots (Brazil, Indonesia, Malaysia, and Paraguay) are more advanced in operationalizing pledges, overall global impact on forest loss cannot yet be measured due to data gaps. The report emphasizes that private sector efforts require stronger support from financial institutions and improved forest governance from national governments to be effective.

The document examines how ECOWAS implements the African Peace and Security Architecture (APSA), focusing on 'sustaining peace' through conflict prevention, mediation, and peacebuilding. It highlights ECOWAS's sophisticated early warning system (ECOWARN) and its recent institutionalization of mediation through a new directorate, while noting significant gaps in post-conflict reconstruction and development (PCRD). The paper argues for clearer definitions of comparative advantage and subsidiarity between ECOWAS and the African Union (AU) to avoid duplication and improve regional stability.

The document analyzes Nigeria's struggle to maintain its status as a 'regional hegemon' since the return to democracy in 1999. It argues that while Nigeria has a history of assertive 'Africa-centred' foreign policy, this has been eroded by domestic instability, corruption, the Boko Haram insurgency, and a lack of strategic leadership. The author highlights a shift in continental pre-eminence from Nigeria to South Africa and notes that Nigeria's regional influence in West Africa is contested and often dependent on external actors like France. The paper concludes that only a fundamental restructuring of domestic governance and the economy can restore Nigeria's international standing.

The document analyzes the state of democracy in Africa, arguing that while electoral democracy has increased since 1989, it is often constrained by neopatrimonialism and a lack of governance capacity. It explores the 'sequencing debate' regarding whether democracy precedes or follows economic development, noting that while authoritarian models have sometimes delivered rapid growth, long-term human development is robustly linked to high-quality electoral democracy. Using the International Futures (IFs) system, the author forecasts that a 'Fourth Wave' of democracy could significantly increase Africa's GDP and reduce extreme poverty by 2070 compared to an 'Authoritarian Regress' scenario.

The report identifies systemic failures in African land administration, including the fact that only about 10 percent of land is legally documented. It argues that securing tenure through a combination of community land registration in land-abundant areas and individual titling in land-constrained areas is essential for investment. The text highlights the need to integrate customary tenure into statutory law and eliminate market restrictions to improve access for women, youth, and the land-poor, while warning against 'land grabs' resulting from weak governance.

The document evaluates the 25th Summit of the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM) in Nairobi, noting a renewed energy under new leadership but highlighting persistent challenges including poor attendance by heads of state, significant financial arrears, and the need for faster reporting cycles to maintain relevance.

The document analyzes China's transition from a non-interference policy to a more active role in African peace and security, driven by the need to protect its economic interests and a desire to establish itself as a 'responsible great power'. It contrasts Chinese and Western interpretations of human rights and peacebuilding, noting China's preference for socio-economic rights and state-led stability. While China has increased its UN peacekeeping contributions and partnered with the African Union, the report notes a contradiction in its role as a major arms supplier to the continent.

The document assesses the limitations of the Convention on International Trade in Endangered Species of Wild Fauna and Flora (CITES) in addressing illegal wildlife trade, noting that it is not legally binding unless implemented through national laws. It highlights a significant gap in compliance, with 50% of signatories lacking effective national legislation. The author recommends strengthening synergies between CITES and other agreements like the Convention on Biological Diversity (CBD) and the Convention on the Conservation of Migratory Species of Wild Animals (CMS), as well as fostering transregional consensus to prevent the displacement of illegal markets. Specific focus is placed on the need for increased capacity and funding for scientific authorities in high-biodiversity developing nations, particularly in Africa, to improve the evidence base for non-detriment findings (NDFs).

The study finds that ethnic civil wars have indeed declined since the mid-1990s, supporting Ted Robert Gurr's projections. The authors demonstrate that this pacifying trend is associated with increased government accommodation, specifically through the granting of group rights, power-sharing, and democratization, which reduce the probability of conflict onset. Additionally, regional autonomy and peacekeeping operations are found to significantly increase the likelihood of conflict termination. Out-of-sample predictions show that a theory-driven model based on accommodative politics far outperforms a simple time-trend model in predicting the actual decline of ethnic conflict from 2000 to 2013.

The paper investigates the impact of the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM) on governance in Africa by comparing Ibrahim Index of African Governance (IIAG) scores between 2003 and 2015 for reviewed members, non-reviewed members, and non-members. It finds that while APRM members generally performed better than non-members, there is no significant difference in progress between those who underwent a full review and those who merely joined. The author suggests this indicates a 'self-selection' bias where states already inclined toward reform join the APRM, rather than the mechanism itself causing the improvement. The paper also notes a trend where economic and corporate governance gains often occur alongside stagnant or declining political freedoms, specifically citing Rwanda and Mali as contrasting case studies.

The Institute for Security Studies (ISS) helped MTN develop the Situational Awareness and Integrated Response (SAIR) system, an open-source informatics tool used to gather intelligence and manage security in volatile markets across Africa and the Middle East.

The document analyzes the shift in Indian foreign policy under Prime Minister Narendra Modi, moving toward a more proactive and assertive 'geo-economic' approach. It examines how this strategy integrates Africa into India's broader geostrategic space, stretching from the Suez to the Pacific, and evaluates the outcomes of the third India–Africa Forum Summit (IAFS III). The authors argue that while India seeks to enhance its soft power and energy security, the relationship must evolve from a focus on Indian-sourced credit lines to partnerships that support African industrialization and manufacturing.

The document contends that voluntary sustainability initiatives are fundamentally flawed and insufficient to curb the global land grabbing crisis. It provides evidence of the significant financial involvement of EU-based institutions in agribusinesses that cause environmental and social harm, particularly in developing countries. The authors argue that the lack of monitoring, sanctions, and accessibility in voluntary schemes allows irresponsible actors to continue harmful practices. To address this, the briefing recommends mandatory human rights due diligence, expanded reporting requirements under EU directives, and binding regulations for financial investors to ensure only legally compliant agribusiness concessions are eligible for investment.

The document provides a structured review of literature concerning the gendered aspects of DDR. It highlights a systemic tendency to view women primarily as victims or 'camp followers' rather than active combatants, which leads to their exclusion from DDR benefits. It also examines how hegemonic masculinity drives violence and how the lack of gender-sensitive planning in post-conflict settings—such as in Aceh or Sierra Leone—marginalizes female ex-fighters. Conversely, it notes more inclusive patterns in Latin American peace processes, such as those in Colombia and El Salvador.

The document presents the Transnational Climate Impacts (TCI) Index, which measures country-level exposure to climate risks transmitted across borders. It identifies four primary risk pathways—biophysical, finance, people, and trade—and argues that globalization makes even wealthy, low-vulnerability countries susceptible to transnational climate shocks. The authors advocate for integrating these risks into national adaptation plans and UNFCCC processes to enhance global cooperation and adaptation finance.

The report examines Botswana's regional diplomacy from independence to 2015, highlighting a shift from the 'quiet diplomacy' of Presidents Masire and Mogae to the more outspoken, principle-driven approach of President Ian Khama. It analyzes the institutional framework of Botswana's foreign policy, the influence of the ruling Botswana Democratic Party (BDP), and the country's pivotal role in the creation of SADC. The author argues that Botswana's foreign policy has been heavily shaped by presidential personalities and suggests the need for a structured national consensus on foreign policy interests.

The document examines China's shift from extractive industries toward diversified economic co-operation in West Africa, specifically in agriculture. It contrasts Chinese assistance with Western aid, highlighting a 'win-win' South-South model based on China's own domestic agricultural success. While traditionally focused on technical assistance and food crops, recent trends show an increase in state-owned enterprise (SOE) involvement in cash crops and biofuels. The authors recommend that China focus on equitable investments and that West African governments encourage agro-industrial upgrading to add value to the regional agro-business chain.