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The document provides a comprehensive overview of energy subsidies in Thailand, detailing the mechanisms used to subsidize LPG, NGV, diesel, electricity, and biofuels. It argues that while these subsidies aim to ensure affordability, they often disproportionately benefit higher-income groups, encourage wasteful consumption, and create fiscal strain on the government and state-owned enterprises. The guide outlines the negative impacts of these subsidies, such as fuel smuggling and environmental degradation, and suggests reform strategies based on international experience, emphasizing the need for market-based pricing and targeted social assistance.

The report assesses Thailand's renewable energy incentives, highlighting the success of the ENCON fund and the 'adder' (feed-in premium) scheme, while identifying persistent barriers such as transmission constraints and high import duties on technology.

The report details a land grabbing crisis in Cambodia and Laos driven by Vietnamese companies Hoang Anh Gia Lai (HAGL) and the Vietnam Rubber Group (VRG). These companies are accused of bypassing legal land limits through shell companies, clearing intact forests, and displacing indigenous communities without adequate compensation. The document highlights the role of international financiers, specifically Deutsche Bank and the International Finance Corporation (IFC), in bankrolling these operations despite their public commitments to sustainability. It concludes that the lack of binding international frameworks allows such companies to operate with impunity, facilitated by corrupt political elites in the host countries.

The document identifies a significant gap between climate research and practical application in Asia, noting that while national-level knowledge exists in some countries, sub-national and local levels suffer from severe data and capacity deficits. It highlights systemic barriers such as language, technical framing of research, and the underrepresentation of local traditional knowledge. The brief argues for a collaborative approach that integrates capacity-building with research, utilizes scenario-based analysis to manage uncertainty, and prioritizes the translation of technical data into local languages and simplified formats to support practitioners and policy-makers.

The Regional Climate Change Adaptation Knowledge Platform for Asia (AKP) operated from 2009 to 2012 to build adaptation capacity and knowledge across Asia. The project utilized a three-tiered approach involving knowledge sharing, research, and pilot projects across 13 countries. While successful in creating a diverse network of local experts and producing over 50 knowledge products, the initiative struggled with high staff turnover and a lack of consistent leadership. A primary barrier to impact was the reliance on English-language publications, which limited reach among local stakeholders. The document argues that linear project planning is insufficient for measuring social learning and adaptive capacity, calling for more complex evaluation frameworks.

The document explores the nexus between services trade liberalization and food security in ASEAN, focusing specifically on financial and logistics services. It argues that while liberalization alone is insufficient to overcome structural barriers—such as the reluctance of banks to lend to smallholder farmers or poor infrastructure in least-developed member states—strategic reforms in these sectors could reduce food costs, improve supply chain efficiency, and enhance rural financial access. The authors highlight a correlation between poor logistics infrastructure and high food insecurity in countries like Indonesia, Cambodia, and the Philippines, and suggest that food security should be more prominently integrated into regional logistics and financial policy debates.

The report analyzes FDI in Laos' agriculture sector, focusing on land concessions and contract farming. While FDI has driven macroeconomic growth, the authors argue it often fails to align with local economic development and food security goals due to poor transparency, land tenure insecurity, and a lack of rigorous social impact assessments.

The document analyzes the International Bar Association's Model Mining Development Agreement (MMDA 1.0), providing a template and narrative to ensure mining contracts promote sustainable development, transparency, and equitable resource distribution. It details key contractual areas including land tenure, royalties, taxation, and community obligations, while emphasizing the use of international standards like the IFC Performance Standards and EITI. Additionally, the report investigates the existence of similar model agreements for the oil and gas sector, concluding that no internationally accepted model currently exists despite the availability of various national form contracts.

The report argues that secrecy in large-scale land deals drives bad governance and human rights abuses. It proposes a precautionary principle of "if in doubt, disclose" and identifies four critical entry points for transparency: participatory land use planning, free prior and informed consent (FPIC), public disclosure of all contracts, and independent multi-stakeholder oversight.

The report examines the clandestine industry of illegal logging, which the World Bank estimates costs governments and businesses $10 billion to $15 billion annually. It details how illegal logging depresses global timber prices by approximately 16%, harming the U.S. hardwood industry and causing severe forest degradation in producing countries. The author highlights the 2008 Lacey Act amendments as a landmark law that prohibits the trade of illegally sourced plant products in the U.S., thereby reducing financial incentives for illegal logging. The document advocates for full implementation of the Act alongside law enforcement, market-based, and incentive-based policy recommendations to protect tropical ecosystems and support legal forestry producers.

A joint submission by the Human Rights & Climate Change Working Group and various NGOs calling for the CDM to establish institutional safeguards, strengthen civil society participation, and create grievance mechanisms to address human rights violations associated with carbon offset projects.

The report criticizes the World Bank for its continued investment in 'dirty energy' and its leadership in expanding carbon markets. It highlights specific projects, such as the Medupi coal plant in South Africa and the Nam Theun 2 dam in Laos, as evidence of environmental and social harm. The document further contends that the Bank's promotion of REDD and carbon offsets leads to the privatization of forests and the marginalization of indigenous rights, while its role as an interim trustee for the Green Climate Fund is viewed as undemocratic and conflicted.

The report criticizes the World Bank for its continued funding of coal-fired power plants and large hydropower projects, which it claims lock developing nations into high-carbon futures and cause significant social and environmental harm. It specifically highlights the Medupi plant in South Africa and the Tata Mundra plant in India as examples of 'dirty energy' investment. The document also attacks the Bank's role in expanding carbon markets and REDD schemes, arguing that these mechanisms privatize forests, marginalize Indigenous peoples, and allow rich nations to avoid real emission cuts. Finally, it expresses concern over the Bank's role as the interim trustee of the Green Climate Fund, citing a lack of democratic accountability and a poor track record on social justice.

The document examines the current investment incentive mix in Lao PDR, highlighting a 'double subsidy' of tax holidays and low-cost land concessions. It argues that these incentives provide minimal returns in tax revenue, job creation, or technology transfer, and recommends replacing them with a uniform corporate tax rate and targeted incentives for green infrastructure, public services, and human capital development.

The document analyzes the transition from project-based mechanisms like the Clean Development Mechanism (CDM) to sectoral-scale mechanisms. It evaluates three governance models for a Sectoral Crediting Mechanism (SCM): centralized (UN-led), hybrid (bilateral with UN minimum standards), and decentralized (independent of the UN). The authors argue that while decentralized models offer flexibility, they risk undermining environmental integrity and market credibility. The paper proposes a centralized SCM project cycle that improves upon the CDM by introducing more interactive baseline reviews, professionalizing the regulatory body, and utilizing biennial update reports for better verification.

The document analyzes Asia's climate investment requirements, estimating annual mitigation needs at US$90–180 billion and adaptation costs at US$40–45 billion by 2030. It argues that while private finance can drive mitigation in major economies like China and India, public resources are essential for adaptation and for less developed countries. The briefing highlights opportunities in carbon markets and public-private leveraging, but warns that the Copenhagen Accord's US$100 billion target is insufficient for Asia's needs and that transport or financial transaction levies could negatively impact Asian trade and financial hubs.

The report examines the intersection of climate change and ASEAN-facilitated trade and investment in the Mekong subregion, noting that while some countries use trade liberalization for growth, their natural resources remain vulnerable to climate risks. It highlights a tension between low-carbon initiatives, such as hydroelectric dams, and the resulting loss of irreplaceable natural capital. Additionally, it notes that free trade agreements facilitating mining may be viewed as an adaptation to climate-threatened agriculture, though at a high cost to natural capital and livelihoods. The report recommends mainstreaming climate concerns into ASEAN's economic frameworks and implementing climate risk assessments for trading mechanisms.

The report argues that while the Mekong subregion is highly vulnerable to climate-related risks, ASEAN-facilitated free trade agreements (FTAs) and economic partnership agreements (EPAs) largely lack explicit commitments to climate change. It highlights a tension between low-carbon initiatives, such as hydroelectric dams, and the resulting loss of natural capital. The document recommends mainstreaming climate risk assessments into trade mechanisms and fostering cooperation between ASEAN, the Mekong River Commission (MRC), and the Greater Mekong Subregion (GMS) initiative.

The report examines the tension between trade growth and environmental sustainability in the Mekong subregion, noting that environmental protections often take a backseat to industrialization and that regional efforts to balance these interests have seen little effectiveness.

The briefing examines the tension between economic growth and environmental sustainability in the Mekong subregion (Cambodia, Lao PDR, Myanmar, Thailand, and Vietnam) and ASEAN. It argues that while regional strategies and national laws exist, actual commitment to environmental protection in trade policy remains low, often driven more by foreign donor interests than by regional political will. The author highlights the 'ASEAN Way' of non-binding consensus as a barrier to enforcement and recommends strengthening regional ownership and civil society engagement.