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Friends of the Earth International calls for a global movement to replace the centralized fossil fuel industry and other harmful energy sources—including nuclear power and large hydroelectric dams—with community-centered, sustainable energy. The statement asserts that the Paris Agreement is insufficient to limit warming to 1.5 degrees and demands that developed nations, responsible for the majority of emissions, lead emission reductions and provide financial support to the Global South.

The report examines the practices of Nestlé, Danone, Mead Johnson Nutrition, and Abbott, concluding that the proliferation of 'premium' and 'specialised' infant formulas is a strategy to increase market share and profit margins, particularly in Asia, often at the expense of breastfeeding promotion and consumer affordability.

The document advocates for a shift in the EU Energy Union's governance from a top-down administrative process to a participatory model. It specifically proposes 'Multi-Level Climate and Energy Dialogue Platforms' to integrate the expertise and actions of cities and regions into National Energy and Climate Plans (NECPs). The authors argue that current Commission proposals treat local actors as mere side stakeholders and suggest that permanent national structures, aligned with the Aarhus Convention, are necessary to achieve the EU's 2050 decarbonization goal. The briefing provides examples of successful local-national coordination in Ireland, Luxembourg, Croatia, France, and the Netherlands.

The report evaluates 16 financial institutions and infrastructure standards to determine how sustainability and climate resilience are screened during infrastructure development. It finds that while environmental and social (E&S) assessments are standard, climate risk integration varies significantly. Most financial institution tools focus on the financing phase, whereas infrastructure standards like BREEAM and Envision target the design and planning phases. The review highlights a general lack of public availability for specific screening tools and a need for better integration of natural capital and regional-scale planning.

The report finds that EU Member States have failed to effectively implement fisheries enforcement frameworks, characterized by delays in adopting penalty point systems, a lack of harmonized definitions for 'serious infringements', and sanctions that are neither deterrent nor transparent.

The report finds that Ireland has largely failed to implement the EU Control Regulation, specifically regarding the penalty point system for fishing licence holders and masters, and the establishment of a national register of infringements. Enforcement relies almost exclusively on criminal proceedings, which the study argues are too infrequent and the resulting fines too low to serve as an effective deterrent. The document highlights a lack of transparency in public reporting and a lack of guidance on defining 'serious infringements,' which undermines the ability to apply proportionate and dissuasive sanctions.

The document examines the gap in the Paris Agreement regarding fossil fuel supply and proposes mechanisms to address it. It suggests that countries could use Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs) and Long-Term Strategies (LTSs) to articulate production phase-downs. The authors argue that such actions would provide clearer signals to financial markets, foster international norms, and support a just transition for affected workers. The paper identifies several entry points within the Paris Agreement, including the enhanced transparency framework, the global stocktake, and finance reform, while acknowledging that consensus-based decision-making in the UNFCCC may require a 'coalition of the willing' to lead by example.

The document argues that national risk assessments, while appearing scientifically objective, are inherently political because they rely on institutional biases and expert subjectivity. This political nature can reinforce existing power structures, justify current institutional landscapes, and influence the allocation of resources. The author highlights the challenge posed by new digital media, which reduces state control over risk perception but increases the need for authoritative, accessible information. Using examples from the UK, Netherlands, Ireland, and Norway, the brief outlines how different states categorize risks. It concludes by proposing that Norway merge its four separate risk assessments into a single, transparent, and expertise-based national risk management website to strengthen public awareness while maintaining political neutrality.

The CSIR's analysis of South Africa's Draft IRP 2016 concludes that a 'Least Cost' scenario—prioritising solar PV, wind, and flexible power—is significantly cheaper, creates more jobs, and emits less CO2 than the government's Base Case and Carbon Budget scenarios. The report argues that the Draft IRP 2016 imposes annual new-build constraints on solar and wind without techno-economic justification, which artificially inflates costs and pushes the system toward new coal or nuclear investment. By 2050, the CSIR finds that a renewable energy share of over 70% is cost-optimal. Technical assessments on system inertia and transmission infrastructure indicate that the costs of maintaining stability in a high-renewable system are low, representing less than 1% of total power generation costs.

The document evaluates EU countries' positions on the Effort Sharing Regulation (ESR), which covers 60% of EU greenhouse gas emissions. Using a scoring system across five categories—starting point, land use loopholes, ETS surplus loopholes, governance, and ambition levels—it ranks Sweden as the leader and Poland as the lowest performer. The brief argues that most EU countries are pushing for loopholes that undermine the Paris Agreement, with the European Commission's own proposal scoring only 20 out of 100 points.

The EU Climate Leader Board ranks EU member states on their support for the Effort Sharing Regulation across five categories: starting point, ETS surplus loophole, land use loophole, governance, and ambition level. Sweden ranks highest with a score of 67, while Malta ranks lowest with a score of 2. The analysis concludes that no EU country is currently doing enough to make the regulation compatible with the Paris Agreement.

Between 2008 and 2015, heavy industry in 20 European countries generated over €25 billion in windfall profits from the EU ETS. These profits were primarily driven by the free allocation of emission allowances intended to prevent "carbon leakage," a phenomenon the report argues is unsubstantiated by evidence. The most significant gains came from cost-pass through to customers (€16.8 billion), followed by the sale of surplus allowances (€7.5 billion) and the use of cheaper international offsets (€0.8 billion). The iron and steel, cement, refineries, and petrochemicals sectors were the primary beneficiaries. The report concludes that these subsidies reduce the incentive for industrial decarbonisation and deprive governments of an estimated €143 billion in potential auctioning revenues, recommending a phase-out of free allocations and the establishment of a Just Transition Fund.

A coalition of 29 European organizations calls for more ambitious EU climate regulations, specifically targeting the 2030 Effort Sharing Regulation (ESR) and the LULUCF regulation. The group advocates for a trajectory toward 95% emission cuts by 2050, the rejection of forestry offsets that undermine other sectors, and the mandatory accounting of wetlands to ensure the EU meets its Paris Agreement commitments to limit warming to 1.5°C.

The 2030 Effort Sharing Regulation (ESR) is a central EU tool covering approximately 60% of total greenhouse gas emissions, specifically targeting the transport, buildings, agriculture, and waste sectors. While the proposal aims for a 30% reduction in non-ETS emissions by 2030 compared to 2005 levels, Carbon Market Watch argues that this target is insufficient and threatened by various 'loopholes'. These include the use of ETS allowances and LULUCF forestry credits to offset emissions, as well as an inflated starting point based on 2016-2018 average emissions rather than 2020 targets. The brief recommends increasing the 2030 non-ETS target to 45%, implementing five-yearly ratchet mechanisms, and prohibiting the use of forestry and ETS credits to ensure environmental integrity.

The author contends that Brexit reflects a global anger toward political elites and the failures of globalisation, rather than a failure of the EU itself. The text highlights specific risks for Ireland, including the potential return of a land border and economic destruction if the UK leaves the single market. It further argues that the EU must reform its governance—specifically the European Council—to increase transparency and accountability to prevent further rises of right-wing populism in states like France. The author suggests that a lack of investment in infrastructure and a 'Green New Deal' contributed to the precariousness that fueled the Leave campaign.

Green NGOs call on the European Commission to publish the Effort Sharing Decision on 20 July to maintain EU climate leadership and implement the Paris Agreement. They argue that the 2030 targets for sectors not covered by the ETS—including transport, buildings, and agriculture—must be upheld. The statement also warns against using forestry credits as loopholes to avoid reductions in other sectors.

The report outlines various in-lake remediation strategies to combat eutrophication in Manitoba's prairie lakes, emphasizing that these treatments should complement efforts to control external nutrient sources. It details three biological methods (biomanipulation, floating treatment wetlands, and macrophyte removal), five physical/engineering methods (hypolimnetic withdrawal, dilution/flushing, hypolimnetic aeration, artificial circulation, and dredging), and three chemical methods (phosphorus inactivation, sediment oxidation, and algicides), providing their benefits, shortfalls, suitable lake conditions, and associated costs.

The report defines the bioeconomy as the part of the business sector based on biomass resources, estimating its 2013 value at approximately 5% of Sweden's GDP. It explores four future scenarios for 2050—ranging from global circular welfare to regional self-sufficiency—concluding that while biomass demand will likely increase, sustainable growth requires strong public-private cooperation, investment in biorefineries, and a shift toward circular material flows.

The report examines how the global financial crisis impacted European societal security through three dimensions: material financial security, the perceived social value of the financial sector, and broader societal resilience. It finds that while some countries recovered, peripheral euro area nations experienced depression-level unemployment, severe material deprivation, and significant political polarization. The document also explores the rise of alternative finance and cryptocurrencies as responses to a crisis of legitimacy in traditional banking, while noting that austerity measures may have undermined social cohesion and increased domestic violence and suicide rates in severely affected regions.

The document argues that the proposed Trade Secrets Directive lacks sufficient clarity and scope limitations, potentially chilling the activities of journalists, whistleblowers, and workers' representatives. It specifically calls for protections for disclosures related to public health and the environment, alignment with the UN Aarhus Convention, and safeguards to ensure that employees' honestly acquired skills are not classified as trade secrets.