Search Climate Insights Directory

The report reveals a significant gap between the public communications of European retailers and their actual performance in reducing plastic pollution, with a global average score of only 13.1% across transparency, commitments, and policy support. While some retailers like Aldi in the UK and Ireland score higher, the majority fail to provide basic data on their plastic footprints or support mandatory reuse targets. The analysis highlights a systemic preference for voluntary commitments and recyclability over waste prevention and reuse, while warning against 'greenwashing' practices such as exporting flexible plastics to third countries like Turkey where they may be illegally burned.

The report finds that European supermarkets generally perform poorly in addressing the plastic crisis, with an average score of 13.1% across transparency, commitments, and policy support. While some UK and Irish chains score higher, most companies lack basic data on their plastic footprints and fail to implement systemic changes like reusable packaging. The analysis highlights a preference for voluntary commitments over binding regulations and warns against greenwashing practices, such as exporting flexible plastics to third countries like Turkey.

The report finds that European supermarkets generally exhibit low ambition and transparency regarding plastic pollution, with a global average score of only 13.1%. Most retailers prioritize recyclability over waste prevention and reuse, often relying on voluntary commitments and 'greenwashing' tactics rather than systemic changes. While some UK and Irish retailers score higher, there is significant inconsistency within international groups, and very few support binding government targets or comprehensive deposit return systems.

The report finds that European supermarkets generally perform poorly in managing plastic pollution, with a mean score of 13.1% across transparency, commitments, and policy support. While some UK and Irish chains like Aldi score higher, many others show minimal transparency and a preference for voluntary commitments over systemic changes like reuse and mandatory deposit systems. The analysis highlights instances of greenwashing, where plastic waste collected in stores was exported and illegally dumped in Turkey.

The report argues that Canada's electrical systems must become "plus grands, plus propres et plus intelligents" (larger, cleaner, and smarter) to support national carbon neutrality by 2050. It identifies 'safe bets' (valeurs sûres)—such as expanding wind and solar capacity, improving energy efficiency, and phasing out unabated fossil fuels—and 'risky bets' (paris risqués), including small modular reactors and carbon capture and storage (CCS). The analysis emphasizes that while technical solutions exist, significant social, institutional, and political barriers remain, particularly regarding interregional grid integration and Indigenous leadership in the energy transition.

ClientEarth and the Low Impact Fishers of Europe (LIFE) are urging the European Commission to mandate an administrative inquiry into the Dutch pelagic fishery under Article 102.2 of the EU Fisheries Control Regulation 1224/2009. The organisations argue that the Netherlands has systemic deficiencies in its fisheries control system, noting that only two inspectors manage the vast landings of the pelagic fleet. They claim that pelagic freezer trawlers routinely use "unverified estimates" for landing declarations, creating a risk of "massive underreporting of many thousands of tonnes of pelagic catches over decades." The letter highlights the need for CCTV electronic control tools to ensure accountability for the discard ban and cetacean bycatch, citing the illegal discarding of Blue Whiting by the vessel FV Margiris as a specific example of the need for intensified control. The authors argue that such an inquiry is necessary to ensure a "level playing field" between large-scale and small-scale fishers and to maintain the credibility of the EU's fight against illegal, unreported and unregulated (IUU) fishing.

ClientEarth and the LIFE platform are urging the European Commission to mandate an administrative investigation into the Dutch pelagic fishery. They argue that the Netherlands has systemic failures in its fisheries control system, citing a lack of adequate inspectors and the use of unverified estimates for catch data. The organizations claim this leads to massive underreporting of catches, undermining the Common Fisheries Policy and the EU's fight against illegal, unreported, and unregulated (IUU) fishing. They request a full audit of catches landed by Dutch-owned pelagic freezer trawlers since 2010 to ensure fair competition and environmental sustainability.

The author examines the electoral impact of government participation for European Green parties, arguing that while simple 'before and after' comparisons often show a drop in vote share, this is frequently a reversion to a party's base performance rather than a punishment for governing. The analysis finds no significant correlation between electoral outcomes and the number of portfolios held, party ideology, or the ideology of coalition partners. However, a strong link is identified between 'defecting' (leaving government early) and poor election results, suggesting that internal divisions and perceived incompetence during premature exits lead to voter punishment.

The document details EU member state reactions to the proposed extension of the Emission Trading System (ETS) to road transport and buildings (RTB). While many delegations support the measure to meet the -55% emission target by 2030, significant concerns persist regarding socio-economic impacts on vulnerable groups, the sufficiency of the Social Climate Fund (SCF), and the timing of implementation. The briefing also notes discussions on the Effort Sharing Regulation, LULUCF targets, and CO2 standards for vehicles.

The document examines the global water and sanitation crisis, noting that 673 million people lack toilets and 2.1 billion lack safe drinking water. It critiques previous international efforts, such as the Millennium Development Goals, for using low-ambition indicators, and advocates for the more holistic Sustainable Development Goal 6. The brief emphasizes the intersection of water security with climate change, environmental degradation, and social inequality, calling for increased financing, better governance, and a human rights-based approach to ensure no one is left behind by 2030.

The document examines the shift from physical to digital public spaces, highlighting the rise of 'surveillance capitalism' and 'data colonization' by tech giants and states. It defines 'democratic public communication spaces' as those that strengthen excluded voices and guarantee data sovereignty. The authors warn of 'voice poverty' and the erasure of linguistic diversity, noting that only 7% of the world's languages appear online. To combat these injustices, the paper recommends revitalizing public interest media, supporting community-managed infrastructure, and implementing comprehensive media literacy training.

In 2021, EU-27 electricity demand nearly returned to 2019 levels, with renewables reaching a record 1068 TWh and accounting for 37% of production. A critical shift occurred in the second half of 2021 when soaring gas prices made fossil gas more expensive than coal, leading new renewable output to predominantly replace gas rather than coal. While wind and solar output hit record highs (547 TWh), overall power sector emissions fell by an average of 2.5% per year since 2019, which is less than half the 6% annual decline required to align with a 1.5C pathway. Nuclear power continued a long-term structural decline, accounting for 26% of production in 2021.

The European Electricity Review 2022 identifies a 'paradigm shift' in the EU power sector where soaring gas prices in 2021 led new renewable energy to replace fossil gas instead of coal. While wind and solar reached record generation of 547 TWh in 2021, overall power sector emissions declined at less than half the rate required to meet 1.5°C targets. The report highlights that coal phase-outs are stalling in some regions, such as Poland, and that the structural decline of nuclear power is further slowing decarbonization by forcing renewables to replace lost nuclear capacity rather than fossil fuels.

The report argues that Canada requires comprehensive federal just transition legislation to provide certainty for workers and communities as the country moves toward a low-carbon economy. It identifies critical gaps in Canada's previous approach to the coal transition, such as a lack of negotiating power for advisory bodies and insufficient monitoring. Drawing on case studies from Spain, New Zealand, the US, South Africa, and the EU, the authors recommend that new legislation entrench International Labour Organization (ILO) principles, mandate a comprehensive just transition strategy, and establish a dedicated implementation agency. Key priorities include the inclusion of Indigenous Peoples as full partners, the use of 'tripartite-plus' social dialogue, and the enforcement of corporate accountability to ensure the polluter-pays principle is upheld.

The report identifies four stable audience segments in Ireland: the Alarmed (34%), Concerned (48%), Cautious (14%), and Doubtful (4%). While belief that climate change is happening is high across all groups, significant differences exist regarding its causes, perceived urgency, and support for restrictive policies. A key finding is a widespread lack of climate literacy, with all segments underestimating the carbon impact of dietary choices and overestimating the impact of small actions like using reusable bags. Trust in scientists remains high across all groups, including the Doubtful.

The report segments the Irish adult population into four groups: the Alarmed (36%), Concerned (48%), Cautious (12%), and Doubtful (3%). These groups differ significantly in their level of worry, perceived risk, and willingness to take personal action, though a broad majority of the population supports government climate policies, particularly those framed as redistributive and fair.

The report analyzes the Odysee platform as a case study in how blockchain-based 'incentivised' social media allows right-wing extremists to bypass traditional demonetization and generate income. Through content and financial analysis, the authors find that while the platform is not exclusively right-wing, its libertarian architecture and LBRY Credits (LBC) provide financial incentives and a 'censorship-resistant' haven. Findings show that established scene figures benefit most, with some accounts earning significant sums, though total earnings are highly volatile due to LBC price fluctuations. The report argues that 'decentralized' marketing often masks the platform's ability to perform central moderation like geoblocking and delisting, and recommends that regulators include these monetization affordances in action plans against right-wing extremism.

The research analyzes external voting data from parliamentary and presidential elections for migrants from Bulgaria, Czech Republic, Lithuania, Latvia, Poland, and Romania living in 17 European host countries. It employs the Pedersen index to measure the discrepancy between diaspora and domestic voting results and uses V-dem Party database dimensions to assess ideological differences. The findings generally indicate that diaspora voters are more liberal, less populist, and more economically right-wing than domestic voters, though their voting trends often mirror the dynamics of their countries of origin. The report also notes that the size and influence of these voting blocs are increasing, with the Bulgarian diaspora having the highest relative impact on national election results.

The brief examines gender representation among individuals invited to brief the UN Security Council between 2015 and 2021. While the period remained male-dominated overall, the proportion of male briefers fell from 77% in 2015 to 52% in 2021. Women are more frequently represented when briefing as members of civil society organizations (CSOs) or government institutions, whereas men dominate the UN system and other multilateral organizations. The authors note a positive trend in the consultation of women's CSOs, which have moved from being primarily invited to thematic Women, Peace and Security (WPS) debates to briefing on a wider array of country-specific issues, including Afghanistan, Colombia, the DRC, Libya, and Mali.

The Center for International Environmental Law argues that COP26 failed to address the root causes of the climate crisis, specifically fossil fuels, and instead relied on 'false solutions' like carbon offsets. The statement highlights the exclusion of civil society and Indigenous Peoples from negotiations, the inadequacy of climate finance for adaptation and loss and damage, and the persistence of 'greenwashing' by corporate interests. While noting some progress in marginal alliances like the Beyond Oil & Gas Alliance, the author concludes that the official negotiated outcomes lack the ambition and equity required to keep global warming below 1.5°C.