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The report finds that European supermarkets generally exhibit low ambition and transparency regarding plastic pollution, with a global average score of only 13.1%. Most retailers prioritize recyclability over waste prevention and reuse, often relying on voluntary commitments and 'greenwashing' tactics rather than systemic changes. While some UK and Irish retailers score higher, there is significant inconsistency within international groups, and very few support binding government targets or comprehensive deposit return systems.

The report finds that European supermarkets generally perform poorly in managing plastic pollution, with a mean score of 13.1% across transparency, commitments, and policy support. While some UK and Irish chains like Aldi score higher, many others show minimal transparency and a preference for voluntary commitments over systemic changes like reuse and mandatory deposit systems. The analysis highlights instances of greenwashing, where plastic waste collected in stores was exported and illegally dumped in Turkey.

China's green bond market experienced record growth in 2021, driven by the nation's '30·60' climate targets and the 14th Five-Year Plan. Annual issuance aligned with Climate Bonds definitions reached USD 68.2 billion, making China the second largest green bond market globally. The market saw a significant shift as non-financial corporates became the primary source of supply, overtaking financial corporates. Over 60% of the use-of-proceeds was directed toward renewable energy. The report also highlights the emergence of carbon neutrality bonds and transition finance as key tools for decarbonizing high-emitting sectors.

The report contends that fossil gas cannot be considered a transition fuel due to significant methane leakage and the need for rapid decarbonisation by 2030. It argues that the EU's Complementary Delegated Act threatens the credibility of the EU Taxonomy by allowing fossil gas as a transitional activity. The document advocates for a rapid shift to low-carbon hydrogen, prioritised for hard-to-abate sectors, and warns against 'gas blending' as an inefficient decarbonisation strategy. It recommends the use of additionality requirements for electrolysers to prevent them from cannibalising renewable energy growth and suggests various financial mechanisms, including Carbon Contracts for Difference (CCfDs) and green public procurement, to mobilise investment. The report also emphasizes the need for a Just Transition to protect workers and low-income households from the regressive effects of carbon pricing.

The report argues that Canada's electricity systems must become "bigger, cleaner, and smarter" to serve as the backbone of a net zero economy by 2050. It identifies 'safe bets'—commercially available solutions like wind, solar, and energy efficiency—and 'wild cards'—emerging or high-barrier technologies like small modular reactors and carbon capture. The analysis emphasizes that while technical pathways exist, significant social, political, and institutional barriers, such as interregional grid integration and local opposition, must be overcome. It also highlights the unique challenges faced by remote communities and the necessity of Indigenous leadership in the energy transition.

The report argues that Canada's electrical systems must become "plus grands, plus propres et plus intelligents" (larger, cleaner, and smarter) to support national carbon neutrality by 2050. It identifies 'safe bets' (valeurs sûres)—such as expanding wind and solar capacity, improving energy efficiency, and phasing out unabated fossil fuels—and 'risky bets' (paris risqués), including small modular reactors and carbon capture and storage (CCS). The analysis emphasizes that while technical solutions exist, significant social, institutional, and political barriers remain, particularly regarding interregional grid integration and Indigenous leadership in the energy transition.

Carbon Market Watch argues that Parties should prioritize domestic mitigation over carbon credits and recommends strict transparency, science-based definitions for removals, and the establishment of an independent grievance body for Article 6 mechanisms.

The report challenges the "carbon neutral" claim of the 2022 FIFA World Cup in Qatar, finding that the estimated 3.6MtCO2e footprint likely underestimates actual emissions due to flawed accounting of stadium construction. It further argues that the carbon credits provided by the Global Carbon Council lack integrity due to non-additionality and that the event's mitigation measures, such as a desert turf farm, are not durable.

The report examines why China's coal power capacity continued to grow between 2016 and 2020 despite decarbonization goals, citing both surface-level needs (supply security, heating) and deep-seated drivers (local government enthusiasm, rigid dispatch mechanisms). It argues that coal power must transition into a 'supportive role' providing flexibility and backup for wind and solar. To achieve this, the authors suggest four policy entry points: breaking path dependency by curbing local government enthusiasm, reforming electricity markets to incentivize flexibility, coordinating coal and electricity policies to ensure supply security, and adopting a reflexive, inclusive governance model.

The report argues that while Canada has a competitive advantage in clean electricity, industrial electrification is stalled by technical gaps, grid reliability concerns, and the low cost of natural gas. It focuses on the manufacturing, mining, and construction sectors, noting that industry electricity use must increase from 25% to 41% by 2050. To accelerate this, the authors propose three primary catalysts: the development of near-term corporate electrification plans and pilots, the alignment of utility planning with net-zero pathways to ensure power supply, and the use of financial mechanisms like carbon contracts for difference to provide carbon pricing certainty.

The report identifies the manufacturing, construction, and mining sectors as having high potential for electrification to reduce Canada's industrial greenhouse gas emissions. It highlights three primary barriers: technical readiness for hard-to-abate sectors, concerns over electricity reliability and availability, and the low cost of natural gas. To overcome these, the report proposes three catalysts: the development of short-term electrification plans by companies, the alignment of utility planning with net-zero trajectories, and the implementation of guaranteed carbon pricing mechanisms, such as carbon contracts for difference.

The report identifies a pervasive 'elite–citizen gap' in confidence toward international organizations, where elites consistently express higher levels of trust than ordinary citizens. Based on survey data from Brazil, Germany, the Philippines, Russia, and the US, the study finds that this gap is most pronounced for sustainable development organizations like the UN and is often underestimated by elites. The authors argue that legitimacy is driven by both organizational performance and democratic procedure, and they recommend that the UN increase awareness of this gap, communicate more effectively on its performance and procedures, and strategically engage with young people to bolster global governance.

The document examines the limitations of GDP as a measure of progress, noting that the pursuit of material gain leads to social inequity and environmental degradation. It identifies systemic roadblocks to redefining prosperity—including national reliance on GDP for revenue, cultural associations of success with consumption, and business models based on consumerism. The authors propose a suite of actions, such as the adoption of complementary well-being indicators, the potential introduction of wealth taxes to decouple growth from resource use, and a shift in corporate marketing to reshape societal values. Case studies from countries like Bhutan, Australia, and the UK illustrate various ways beyond-GDP indicators have been implemented.

The document examines the failure of existing multilateral systems to address global-scale chronic risks, such as the climate crisis and the Covid-19 pandemic. It highlights the stark disparity in climate-related deaths and GDP losses between high-income and low-income groups, noting that the Global North bears significant historical responsibility for emissions while the Global South suffers the most severe consequences. The authors propose 'de minimis multilateralism'—focusing on common aversions—and the creation of a Global Resilience Reserve Fund and a Climate Risk Atlas for Developing Countries to enhance human security and financial resilience.

The document argues for stronger international coordination to manage the environmental and social footprints of global supply chains, moving beyond voluntary commitments toward mandatory due diligence and standardized verification. It emphasizes the necessity of integrating 'decent work' into green economy policies to ensure a just transition, noting that environmental policies often lack social equity. Additionally, it addresses the dual nature of digitalization, which can enhance efficiency but also significantly increase energy consumption and emissions, calling for global governance on 'green artificial intelligence' and standardized environmental footprint methodologies.

As of February 2022, the EU planned a 24.9% increase in gas import capacity to 160.2 bcm/y, costing an estimated €26.4 billion. This includes 16 pipelines under construction and 62 proposed projects, alongside several LNG terminal expansions. The report states these plans conflict with EU gas reduction requirements, the IEA Net Zero by 2050 scenario, and IPCC warnings regarding methane emissions.

Reclaim Finance criticizes RWE for maintaining a coal phase-out target of 2038, which it claims is eight years behind scientific recommendations. The organization highlights RWE's role as one of Europe's largest CO2 emitters, its reliance on fossil gas as a bridge fuel, and its efforts to obtain €2.6 billion in compensation from the German government. It specifically calls on major shareholders, including Crédit Agricole/Amundi, Société Générale, and BNP Paribas, to use the upcoming AGM to sanction the company's lack of a coherent transition strategy.

The briefing outlines a strategic framework for G20 nations to integrate forest conservation into climate action. It proposes six key measures: legal commitments to minimize deforestation, a collective goal to plant 1 trillion trees by 2030, food system transformation, safeguarding Indigenous rights, improving non-timber forest product markets, and establishing high-quality nature-based carbon credit policies. The author emphasizes Indonesia's role as a 'carbon superpower' to lead by example through expanded moratoriums, social forestry permits, and robust carbon credit frameworks.

The authors evaluate the EU and German recovery funds, noting that while they are framed as 'green', much of the funding remains conditional or vague. They contrast this with the 2008 financial crisis, where green investments were limited. The text emphasizes the role of the European Parliament in ensuring accountability and pushing for a 60% CO2 reduction by 2030, while warning that Germany's current plans may not meet its 65% renewable energy target due to restrictive zoning laws and continued fossil fuel subsidies.

The policy brief contends that Germany cannot achieve climate neutrality by 2045 without carbon management technologies, including carbon capture and storage (CCS), direct air capture (DAC), and bioenergy with carbon capture and storage (BECCS). It highlights that current industrial emissions reductions are insufficient and that a lack of CO2 transport infrastructure and storage sites within Germany necessitates a strategy to connect to regional hubs in Northern Europe. The document further argues that carbon management is essential for decarbonizing the hydrogen economy—specifically through the use of blue hydrogen—and for producing the low-carbon industrial materials required for the renewable energy transition.