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Comparing 2021 and 2015 projections, G20 absolute emissions for 2030 are now expected to be 15% lower, with average annual growth rates slowing from 1.2% to 0.3%. Despite these improvements, collective emissions are still projected to increase until 2030, leaving the G20 off track to meet the 1.5 °C warming limit of the Paris Agreement.

The World Resources Institute (WRI) argues that G20 nations have failed to make their COVID-19 recovery spending environmentally sustainable, investing $262 billion in fossil fuels compared to $67 billion in clean energy. To address this, WRI introduces a typology of five policy levers—monetary policy, financial and real-economy policies and regulations, fiscal policy and budget support, public finance, and information instruments—to guide governments toward Paris-aligned investments. Analysis of recovery packages between March 1, 2020, and January 31, 2021, reveals a preference for 'business-as-usual' interventions and a critical lack of investment in climate adaptation and resilience.

The analysis of G20 climate policies between 2000 and 2019 reveals that while the number of mitigation policies has increased, significant adoption gaps persist across all sectors. Approximately half of the 50 identified key policy options are not widely adopted, leaving at least one-tenth of G20 emissions completely uncovered by policy.

The 'G20: Net Zero Stocktake' is the inaugural analysis by the Net Zero Tracker consortium, examining net zero commitments across various G20 entities. As of 27 October 2021, the analysis notes that including the European Union's collective target increases net zero coverage to 81% for emissions, 82% for GDP, and 61% for population.

The We Mean Business Coalition asserts that while many companies are pursuing science-based targets and investing in renewables and electric fleets, voluntary action is insufficient to meet the goal of halving global emissions by 2030. The coalition calls for governments to implement mandatory climate-related financial disclosures, end coal financing and fossil fuel subsidies, and invest in EV infrastructure and smart grids to create the economic certainty required for businesses to accelerate their transition.

The G20, responsible for 75% of global GHG emissions, currently has commitments that put the world on a trajectory for 2.4°C of warming. While announced but non-formalized pledges could lower this to 2.1°C, only a comprehensive shift where all G20 members align with 1.5°C pathways and mid-century net zero targets could limit warming to 1.7°C. The report identifies a 23 GtCO2e emissions gap for 2030 and warns that many net zero pledges are unrealistic without significantly stronger near-term (2030) targets. Achieving the 1.5°C goal will require G20 leadership, action from non-G20 countries, and the fulfillment of climate finance commitments to developing nations.

A coalition of businesses calls on G20 leaders to lead the global climate transition by halving emissions by 2030, ending coal financing, removing fossil fuel subsidies by 2025, and mandating climate-related financial disclosures to drive investment toward sustainable solutions.

A coalition of businesses calls on G20 leaders to lead the global climate response by strengthening Nationally Determined Contributions, ending coal financing, aligning COVID-19 recovery funds with decarbonization, and implementing carbon pricing and mandatory financial disclosures.

Signatory companies call on G20 leaders to lead the global climate fight by aligning national contributions with a 50% emissions reduction by 2030, ending coal power financing, and reforming public finance to support a nature-positive economy.

The report analyzes government energy-related spending during the COVID-19 pandemic, finding that a significant portion of recovery funds still supports fossil fuel-intensive sectors. It proposes five core principles for a 'fossil-free recovery': ending public funding for fossil fuel production, reforming fossil fuel subsidies and taxes to raise revenue, 'swapping' those funds into clean energy (access, efficiency, transport, and power), incentivizing private investment in clean electricity, and ensuring a just transition for affected workers and communities.

The document is a FAQ for businesses on an open letter to G20 leaders, calling for strengthened Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs) to halve global emissions by 2030 and reach net-zero by 2050. It outlines key policy demands, including ending coal financing, removing fossil fuel subsidies by 2025, and implementing climate-related financial reporting.

The Global Climate and Health Alliance urges governments, particularly G20 nations, to increase climate commitments by three to five times to align with the Paris Agreement's 1.5-2°C goal. The Alliance argues that COVID-19 recovery spending must be integrated with climate strategies to maximize economic and health benefits, noting that G20 countries are responsible for 78% of global greenhouse gas emissions but lack commitments aligned with the 1.5°C target.

The author draws a parallel between the psychological and political responses to COVID-19 and climate change, noting that both follow a pattern of denial, downplaying risks, and eventual action. While the pandemic triggered a rapid global mobilization—including G20 spending commitments of US$5 trillion—climate change has suffered from decades of delay due to human psychology's preference for immediate threats. The document concludes that the 'new found wisdom' of global cooperation seen during the pandemic should be leveraged to combat climate change.

The World Resources Institute (WRI) endorses the IMF's Fiscal Monitor report, which identifies carbon pricing as the most efficient tool for climate mitigation. The WRI highlights the report's finding that carbon pricing could prevent 725,000 premature deaths from air pollution in G20 countries by 2030, while noting that the current global average carbon price of $2 per ton is insufficient to limit warming to 2°C.

The document examines why the WTO has seen few legal proceedings against fossil fuel subsidies despite their distorting impact on trade and investment. It specifically analyses the compatibility of four fossil fuel support measures in G20 countries with the 1994 Agreement on Subsidies and Countervailing Measures, concluding that litigating consumption subsidies is particularly difficult.

The study finds that while most G20 members are implementing climate policies, only six are projected to meet their unconditional NDC targets with current measures, while eight require further action.

The Allianz Climate and Energy Monitor 2018 evaluates G20 nations on their investment attractiveness for renewable energy and their long-term decarbonization strategies. France is ranked as the most attractive destination, while Russia ranks last. The report finds that most G20 countries lack binding long-term strategies and sufficient renewable energy targets to meet the Paris Agreement goals, although some previous stragglers like Saudi Arabia and Turkey are improving their policy environments.

The document outlines various mechanisms through which G20 nations can redirect public money—including subsidies, tax revenues, state-owned enterprise investments, and credit support—away from fossil fuels. It highlights specific national and regional successes, such as Indonesia's subsidy reforms and the EU's phase-out of coal mining subsidies, while emphasizing the need for a faster transition that protects vulnerable groups and ensures a just transition for workers.

The report examines how G20 countries can shift public funds away from fossil fuels through subsidy reform, increased taxation, and the redirection of state-owned enterprise investments. It highlights specific national examples, such as Indonesia's consumption subsidy reform and the EU's transition funds, while arguing that the current scale of public support for fossil fuels hinders decarbonization and sustainable development.

The document examines why the World Trade Organization (WTO) has seen limited legal action against fossil fuel subsidies despite their distorting effects on trade and investment. It analyzes five G20 support measures against the 1994 Agreement on Subsidies and Countervailing Measures (ASCM), noting the specific difficulty of litigating consumption subsidies and the lack of transparency in subsidy notifications. To address these gaps, the paper proposes five reform avenues: technical assistance, enhanced transparency, credible reform pledges, a political declaration, and expanding the category of prohibited subsidies.