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The document examines the SA-EU Strategic Partnership, highlighting the EU's role as South Africa's leading regional trade partner and a major source of foreign direct investment. It contrasts youth unemployment challenges in both the EU and the SADC region, noting South Africa's goal to create 11 million jobs by 2030. The briefing also discusses the impact of migrant labour and remittances from South Africa to other SADC nations, specifically Zimbabwe, and notes a 24% decline in South African FDI from 2011 to 2012.

Friends of the Earth criticizes the first round of Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) negotiations, asserting that the process is secretive and designed to benefit corporate CEOs and financiers. The organization warns that the agreement could lead to the rollback of environmental, food safety, and toxic chemical regulations, and calls for greater transparency and the release of draft negotiating texts to protect government authority to address the climate crisis and manage natural resources.

The author, Mayor of Sevran, critiques the French 'assimilationist' model of integration, arguing that it is disconnected from the reality of a multicultural society. He advocates for a federal Europe with common rights for all EU citizens to counter nationalism. Furthermore, he asserts that Europe must accept responsibility for environmental migration caused by global warming and transition toward a model where migrants are integrated as 'eco-citizens of the world' who contribute to local autonomy and sustainability.

The document critiques the French model of assimilation and 'Jacobinism', arguing that migration should be managed at a European rather than national level to ensure equality and break nationalist trends. The author advocates for 'co-integration' and a cosmopolitan policy that acknowledges the historical impact of colonialism and the rising phenomenon of ecological migration caused by global warming.

The document argues that a green transformation requires a comprehensive political project combining technological innovation with social change. It examines the tension between 'green growth' and 'degrowth', the need for a European Green New Deal, and the role of federalism in managing ecological and social crises. The text also addresses the challenges of migrant integration and the necessity of expanding solidarity to include nature and future generations.

The text is a speech by Cohn-Bendit delivered in Athens on June 16, 2013, which critiques the 'neo-liberal technocracy' and austerity measures imposed on Greece. It argues that individual nation-states are powerless against the globalised economy, finance, and climate deterioration, asserting that only a united European Union can preserve social justice and democratic values. The author calls for a 'radical and responsible drive' to transform politics through energy transition, ecological transformation, and a shared European sovereignty to avoid the alternative of financial bureaucracy or populist rage.

The author contends that individual European nation-states are powerless against globalized finance and climate degradation, citing the devastating impact of austerity in Greece as a primary example. The text calls for a shift away from neoliberalism and national interests toward a shared European project focused on energy transition, ecological transformation, and the reclamation of democratic space to ensure the survival of European values and social justice.

The document details the transition of the IAI to a tripartite structure with directorates in Argentina, Brazil, and Uruguay. It reports that the Science-Policy Liaison Directorate in Buenos Aires is operational, while the Integrated Operations and Finance Directorate in Montevideo awaits parliamentary ratification and the Science Development Directorate in Brazil is under review. Additionally, it notes a failed attempt at electronic voting for SAC vacancies due to lack of quorum and warns of a looming membership continuity crisis in the SAC. The report also mentions the IAI's participation in the ENSOCIO-LA project and the World Climate Research Program (WCRP) Conference for Latin America and the Caribbean.

The report details the transition of the IAI to a tripartite management scheme with offices in Argentina, Uruguay, and Brazil. While agreements are in place and staff appointed in Argentina and Uruguay, the agreement with Brazil remains under study. Additionally, the report highlights a critical lack of continuity in the Scientific Advisory Committee (SAC) due to unfilled vacancies and expiring mandates, and notes the IAI's participation in the ENSOCIO-LA project and the World Climate Research Programme (WCRP) for America and the Caribbean.

The document details how Sime Darby's palm oil operations in Liberia violate national laws and international human rights, specifically regarding land grabs and the lack of free, prior and informed consent (FPIC). It highlights environmental risks to the Upper Guinean Forest Ecosystem and lists European banks and pension funds providing financial support to the company.

The document examines South Africa's intention to build a fleet of six new nuclear power stations to add 9,600 MW of capacity by 2020. It highlights the drivers of this expansion—including population growth, ageing infrastructure, and climate targets—while raising significant concerns regarding the financial stability of Eskom, the opacity of the tender process, and the rise of resource nationalism concerning uranium. The paper also details South Africa's nuclear diplomacy within Africa and its relations with global nuclear powers like Russia and France.

The Center for International Environmental Law (CIEL) warns that TTIP's push for regulatory cooperation on chemicals may weaken environmental and health protections by favoring the U.S. risk-based approach over the EU's hazard-based REACH regulation. CIEL highlights that REACH drives innovation toward safer alternatives and that the externalized costs of chemical pollution far outweigh the costs of regulation. The statement also cautions against strengthening trade secret protections and calls for greater transparency and public participation in the TTIP negotiation process.

Wilmar International, a major global palm oil producer, is accused of systemic environmental and human rights violations despite its stated CSR strategy. The document details specific land-grabbing and deforestation cases in Indonesia, Nigeria, and Uganda, and lists the major banks and pension funds providing financial support. It highlights the gap between the ESG policies of these financiers and the reported actions of Wilmar, noting that the Norwegian Government Pension Fund Global divested from the company in 2012 due to sustainability concerns.

The author examines the fallout from the death of 13 South African soldiers in the Central African Republic (CAR) in March 2013, noting that the mission lacked a multilateral framework and failed to align with domestic public understanding. This 'debacle' created negative feedback loops that could undermine South Africa's continental prestige and its ability to pursue an ambitious Africa policy. To remedy this, the document suggests that South Africa improve its analytical capabilities, build intelligence networks with traditional powers like France, the US, and the UK, and proactively domesticate its foreign policy through democratic scrutiny and accountability.

The author critiques the European Union's lack of preparation for the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) negotiations, warning that the United States is likely to use GMO products as a 'make-it-or-break-it' condition. The text argues that the EU must protect its environmental, climate, and consumer standards, and suggests that the positive agenda for TTIP should focus on energy and resource efficiency to support a low-carbon economy. It further cautions against using TTIP as a strategic tool to contain China, suggesting instead a multilateral approach to global trade to avoid dividing the world into competing blocs.

The research paper argues that South Africa's military involvement in the Central African Republic (CAR) is driven by a desire to contest Western influence and secure resource interests. It highlights the CAR's wealth in diamonds, uranium, and potential oil, which has attracted Chinese investment and caused friction with France. The author notes that South Africa's efforts to resist 'western interference' have been undermined by a lack of regional diplomatic support and insufficient intelligence infrastructure, leading to a 'humiliating experience' in the face of more established international rivals.

Carbon Market Watch and a coalition of NGOs call on Air France to protect the integrity of the EU ETS by avoiding industrial gas offsets, arguing that HFC-23 and adipic acid projects lack environmental integrity and undermine climate objectives.

The report argues that EU biofuel policies, particularly those supporting conventional food-based biofuels, are not cost-effective and often fail to meet their stated public good objectives. It finds that significant public subsidies—estimated between EUR 5.5 and 6.9 billion in 2011—support an industry where benefits are increasingly captured by non-EU suppliers rather than EU farmers. The analysis highlights that conventional biofuels can lead to net increases in greenhouse gas emissions when indirect land use change (ILUC) is considered and contribute to higher global food prices. The report suggests that tightening vehicle emission standards to 95 gCO2/km by 2020 would be a significantly cheaper and more effective way to abate carbon emissions than subsidizing biofuels. It recommends phasing out support for food-based biofuels and implementing a 5 per cent cap on their contribution to renewable energy targets.

The research paper analyzes Senegal's strategic relationship with Guinea-Bissau from 2000 to 2012. It argues that under President Abdoulaye Wade, Senegal exercised a policy of patronage and influence over its smaller neighbor to secure military cooperation against the Mouvement des forces démocratiques de Casamance (MFDC). This influence was built on Senegal's relative economic power, diplomatic networks, and direct financial support to Guinean leaders and military officials. However, the document notes a decline in Senegalese influence after 2009 due to the deaths of key allies and the emergence of Angola as a primary diplomatic and financial partner for Guinea-Bissau.

The document analyzes Senegal's foreign policy since 2000, noting a transition from 'classic' diplomacy to a 'technicized' approach where the Ministry of Foreign Affairs lost its monopoly to specialized ministries and non-state actors. It highlights the 'hyper-power' of the presidency, the marginalization of the legislative and judicial branches, and a strategic shift toward emerging economic partners like China and Dubai. The paper concludes that while President Abdoulaye Wade's tenure was marked by high personalization and pan-Africanist ambitions, the 2012 election of Macky Sall signaled a return to more traditional diplomatic relations, particularly with France and neighboring states.