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The document examines how South Africa's current growth model and monetary governance reinforce a capital-intensive economy and inequality. It identifies significant unexploited liquidity in the banking and retirement sectors and proposes reforms to the South African Green Finance Taxonomy (SAGFT), the adoption of corporate transition plans, and the use of direct and indirect credit allocation tools to fund a just transition for workers.

Reclaim Finance examines the 2020 consultation responses from Crédit Agricole, BNP Paribas, BPCE, Société Générale, and the French Banking Federation (FBF) regarding the Corporate Sustainability Reporting Directive (CSRD). The analysis finds that these five financial actors were unanimous in their support for replacing the Non-Financial Reporting Directive (NFRD) with a common, mandatory reporting standard to improve data comparability and reliability. The banks specifically advocated for the inclusion of climate transition plans, the application of 'double materiality,' and the extraterritorial application of the rules to non-EU companies operating in Europe. The report contrasts these historical positions with more recent criticisms, such as the CEO of BNP Paribas describing the CSRD as a "bureaucratic delusion."

The report applies the 'Unlocking a Better Future' (UBF) framework to identify policy gaps in Scotland, proposing a holistic approach to transition the economy and society. It recommends strengthening human-nature connectedness, expanding nature-based education, exploring the 'Rights of Nature', and reforming national accounting to move beyond GDP. The document also emphasizes the need for a shift from top-down to bottom-up public engagement to ensure a just transition, while proposing specific indicators to track structural transformation.

The French Financial Markets Authority (AMF) is adopting ESMA guidelines on ESG fund naming starting May 21, 2025, but Reclaim Finance argues these rules create uneven requirements that risk 'transition-washing'. The document notes a 24% decrease in 'Article 9' funds under SFDR due to reclassification to 'Article 8' to avoid sanctions. To combat greenwashing, the author proposes that the 2025 SFDR revision should mandate the exclusion of companies developing new fossil fuel projects for all funds claiming environmental or social objectives.

Reclaim Finance critiques the new ESMA guidelines adopted by the AMF for ESG fund naming, arguing they create unequal requirements that risk 'transitionwashing'. The organization urges that the 2025 revision of the Sustainable Finance Disclosure Regulation (SFDR) must mandate the exclusion of companies involved in fossil fuel expansion to ensure genuine sustainability and protect investors from misleading claims.

Carbon Market Watch opposes efforts by politicians in countries like Poland and Czechia to reverse or delay the EU's ETS2 carbon pricing system for buildings and road transport. The organization argues that the ETS2 is critical for achieving a 42% emission reduction in these sectors by 2030 and a 55% net reduction overall by 2050. It highlights that the system includes social protections, such as the €86 billion Social Climate Fund and a €45 per tonne soft price cap, to protect vulnerable populations. The document warns that weakening the system would increase future economic costs, exacerbate the climate crisis, and undermine the EU's energy sovereignty.

A coalition of NGOs and unions, including Reclaim Finance, condemns the French government's reported plan to advocate for the indefinite postponement of the EU Corporate Sustainability Due Diligence Directive (CSDDD) and the raising of its application thresholds. The authors argue that these moves, aligned with business lobby interests, would exclude nearly 70% of targeted companies and undermine European climate and social justice goals.

Since the launch of the European Green Deal in 2019, the EU has seen a significant transformation of its power sector, with renewables increasing from 34% to 47% of the electricity mix by 2024. This shift was primarily driven by wind and solar, which together increased their share from 17% to 29%. This transition reduced the emissions intensity of EU electricity generation by 26% and avoided €59 billion in fossil fuel import costs. While coal use has dropped from 16% to under 10% of the mix, and gas power has declined from 20% to 16%, the EU still faces challenges with Russian gas imports, which accounted for 14% of total gas consumption in 2024.

In 2024, the EU power sector saw fossil fuel generation fall to its lowest level in over forty years, reaching 793 TWh. This decline was driven primarily by record solar growth, which saw generation increase by 22% to 304 TWh, overtaking coal for the first time. Renewables accounted for 47% of EU power generation, while clean sources reached a record 71% of the mix. Despite a small 1% increase in total EU power demand and increased exports to the UK and Ukraine, coal and gas generation fell by 16% and 6% respectively, leading to a 9% drop in power sector emissions to an estimated 585 million tonnes of CO2.

The provided text consists solely of a list of contributing authors and their institutional affiliations from various global research organizations; it contains no substantive analysis, findings, or purpose statement.

The North Sea is the world's largest offshore wind basin, with 30 GW of capacity across 101 operational wind farms. While the region leads in deployment, the report highlights that supply chain challenges and fragmented regulatory frameworks hinder further progress. It advocates for the standardisation of component sizes and the deployment of hybrid offshore assets to create a more secure, meshed grid. Additionally, the report emphasizes that the North Sea's potential as a 'green power plant' for Europe depends on the electrification of non-power sectors, as half of Europe's industrial energy consumption is located in North Sea bordering countries. Finally, it notes that offshore wind is helping stabilise electricity prices through Contracts-for-Difference (CfD) mechanisms, with recent projects delivering competitive strike prices compared to average European day-ahead power prices.

The report finds that while many global banks have committed to net-zero by 2050, their disclosures lack standardisation and transparency. Key issues include inconsistent sectoral coverage, the omission of facilitated emissions, and a failure to align sectoral targets with 1.5°C benchmarks. The report highlights that a significant portion of bank balance sheets remains uncovered by net-zero targets and that current levels of sustainable finance are insufficient to meet the 10-to-1 clean energy to fossil fuel investment ratio recommended by the IEA.

The Europe Gas Tracker 2025 identifies a sprawling planned hydrogen network in Europe consisting of 12 import projects for hydrogen derivatives, 50,165 km of pipelines, and 44.6 GW of hydrogen-burning power capacity. The report argues this scale is unrealistic for decarbonization due to energy inefficiencies and a massive gap between projected green hydrogen production and the network's requirements. Most projects remain in early stages, with no hydrogen derivative import projects having reached final investment decisions. Meanwhile, the report notes that the rapid growth of LNG import capacity, which increased by 31% since February 2022, is slowing as structural gas demand falls and overcapacity emerges.

The report argues that the traditional Official Development Assistance (ODA) model is outdated and failing to meet 21st-century challenges. It identifies six key pressures: shifting poverty geographies, rising demands for climate and health financing, fragmentation from new actors, changing flow natures, geopolitical rivalries, and declining public trust. The author contends that incremental tweaks are insufficient and proposes a 'reset' that integrates ODA into a broader Global Public Investment (GPI) framework. This new architecture would distinguish core poverty reduction from global public goods financing, reform governance to include the Global South, and shift the narrative from donor-driven charity to mutual interest. The report outlines five future scenarios for 2040, ranging from 'Incremental Change' to a 'Managed Handover' to non-governmental actors, urging policymakers to proactively shape a transition to avoid a fragmented 'Wild West' of bilateralism.

Reclaim Finance examines the 2020 consultation responses from Crédit Agricole, BNP Paribas, BPCE, Société Générale, and the Fédération bancaire française (FBF) regarding the transition from the Non-Financial Reporting Directive (NFRD) to the Corporate Sustainability Reporting Directive (CSRD). The analysis finds that these banks unanimously supported the need for a new, standardized, and mandatory reporting framework to improve data comparability and reliability. Specifically, they advocated for sector-specific standards, the integration of TCFD principles, the mandatory disclosure of double materiality assessments, and the extraterritorial application of the rules to non-EU companies operating in Europe. The report highlights a contradiction between these early endorsements and current statements from some bank leadership describing the CSRD as a 'bureaucratic delusion'.

The report provides a comprehensive analysis of the GSS+ debt market in H1 2025, highlighting a cumulative aligned volume of USD6.2tn. It examines the dominance of green bonds, the resurgence of social debt, and the growth of sustainability-linked bonds. The document also discusses the impact of the European Green Bond Standard, the rise of data-centre focused asset-backed securities, and strategic priorities for COP30, including methane abatement and the Tropical Forest Forever Fund.

The report identifies a crisis of information integrity about climate science, characterized by a shift from outright denial to more nuanced skepticism and 'response skepticism' regarding climate solutions. It documents how powerful economic interests, particularly the fossil fuel industry, and political actors use strategies like greenwashing, delay, and obstruction to undermine scientific consensus. The review highlights the role of social media algorithms, bots, and 'source media' (such as corporate reports) in amplifying misleading narratives. It concludes that while individual-level interventions like inoculation and education are valuable, systemic governance through public regulation, standardized corporate reporting, and litigation is essential to restore information integrity.

The document argues that current online safety regulations, such as the EU's Digital Services Act and the UK's Online Safety Act, often prioritise larger platforms based on user numbers, leaving a gap where illegal harms are concentrated on smaller, high-risk services. It highlights the adaptive nature of terrorist networks that migrate between platforms to evade detection and notes that regulators often lack the real-time primary data needed for effective enforcement. The brief recommends a shift toward ecosystem-level interventions, improved data-sharing with non-governmental organisations, and the creation of risk-based prioritisation frameworks that do not rely solely on user thresholds.

The report identifies a highly interlinked ecosystem on Telegram where pro-Kremlin narratives permeate conspiracy and radical communities in Europe. It finds that while pro-Kremlin and conspiracy groups are strongly connected across France, Germany, and Italy, the level of interaction with far-right groups varies by country, being stronger in France and Germany than in Italy. The study highlights the role of Russian state-affiliated channels and influencers, such as Alina Lipp, in bridging ideological divides and amplifying disinformation, particularly regarding the Russia-Ukraine war and COVID-19.

The report finds that women candidates in the 2024 French legislative elections, particularly those from left-wing parties, faced widespread online gender-based violence (OGBV) and gendered disinformation on TikTok. This abuse often intersected with racism, classism, and religious discrimination. The analysis highlights TikTok's failure to effectively moderate this content, arguing that the platform's automated tools are insufficient and that its lack of action contradicts obligations under the EU's Digital Services Act (DSA). The report notes that such harassment can lead candidates to reduce their online activity, thereby undermining democratic participation.