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The document analyzes Senegalese foreign policy under President Abdoulaye Wade (2000–2012) and the transition to President Macky Sall. It highlights a shift from 'classical' diplomacy led by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs toward a more technical, economy-centered approach involving non-state actors and specialized ministries. The paper emphasizes the 'hyper-power' of the presidency over the legislature and judiciary in external affairs. Key trends include a realignment toward emerging economic powers like China and Dubai, a revival of Pan-Africanist goals through the African Union and Nepad, and a high degree of personalization in diplomacy under Wade. Following the 2012 election, the author notes a return to traditional diplomacy, characterized by restored ties with France and improved relations with neighbors like Gambia and Mauritania.

The document examines the evolving relationship between France and Senegal, highlighting a shift from exclusive ties to a more diversified partnership under President Abdoulaye Wade. While France remains the primary economic partner and donor, the paper details periods of diplomatic tension, the reduction of French military presence, and a renewed cordiality following the 2012 elections of Macky Sall and François Hollande.

The paper argues that the EU's current reliance on voluntary certification schemes for biofuels sustainability is insufficient, especially for small-scale producers in developing countries. It proposes the use of bilateral agreements, as permitted by Article 18(4) of the EU-RED, to provide a more flexible, customized, and holistic approach to sustainability verification. Drawing on lessons from the Forest Law Enforcement Governance and Trade (FLEGT) initiative and Economic Partnership Agreements (EPAs), the authors suggest that bilateral deals can address institutional weaknesses, reduce non-tariff trade barriers, and mitigate indirect land-use change (ILUC) more effectively than a one-size-fits-all 'meta-standard'.

The 2013 Kenyan elections occur under a new 2010 constitution designed to reduce ethnic polarisation by requiring presidential candidates to secure broad geographic support across 47 counties. Despite these reforms and the introduction of biometric voter registration to prevent rigging, significant risks remain, including endemic ethnic politics, high youth unemployment, and land disputes in the Coast Province. A primary source of instability is the International Criminal Court (ICC) indictments against Jubilee Coalition candidates Uhuru Kenyatta and William Ruto, which have strained relations with the United States, France, and the United Kingdom, and could lead to Kenya's withdrawal from the Statute of Rome.

The document argues that climate change increases flood risk through more intense and frequent extreme events, necessitating a shift from purely infrastructural defenses to a coordinated approach. Using the Ebro river basin as a case study, it demonstrates how spatial hydro-economic models can identify specific drivers of risk across different municipalities and sectors. The author advocates for a combination of institutional alerts, environmental river restoration, and private-sector self-protection to manage vulnerability and exposure.

The report details the Green Climate Fund's administrative spending and trust fund status through the end of 2012. It tracks expenditures for the Board, Interim Secretariat, and Interim Trustee, while noting that all received contributions and anticipated pledges had been allocated to administrative budgets through December 31, 2013, leaving no funds available for new funding decisions.

The document advocates for a 'cultural and social revolution' in food systems to replace the industrial agro-industry, which it links to environmental degradation and public health crises. It critiques the EU's Common Agricultural Policy (CAP) for favoring large-scale production over small farmers and biodiversity. Through various regional case studies—including France's 'malbouffe' crisis, land-grabbing in Hungary, and organic farming in Spain—it promotes short supply chains, agro-ecology, and the reconnection of consumers with producers. It also highlights specific Green political initiatives in Belgium and Germany aimed at promoting organic and GMO-free agriculture.

The report analyzes the shift in power dynamics in Mali after the 2013 French military intervention. It notes that while the intervention strengthened the authority of the interim presidency and marginalized the 2012 coup leaders, deep-seated governance issues and tensions between the state and armed groups in the north remain. The author argues that military success must be followed by inclusive national reconciliation and a credible electoral process to avoid a return to previous systemic failures.

The COP18 summit in Doha resulted in incremental progress, primarily the agreement of a second commitment period for the Kyoto Protocol (KP2) from 2013 to 2020. While the EU and several other nations committed to an average emission reduction of 18% below 1990 levels, major emitters including the US, China, Russia, Japan, Canada, and New Zealand did not approve or opposed the commitment. The summit failed to establish a concrete roadmap for the $100 billion annual climate finance target for 2020, though it introduced a new agreement to establish an international mechanism for "loss and damage" by COP19. The document highlights ongoing tensions regarding the principle of common but differentiated responsibilities and respective capabilities (CBDR-RC) and the dispute over "hot air" carbon credits, particularly involving Poland and the EU.

The document reports that a majority of young adults in Senegal wish to emigrate, primarily to Europe, regardless of their gender or relative perceptions of Europe versus Senegal. However, there is a significant gap between these aspirations and actual preparations, such as obtaining passports, with men being far more likely to take preparatory steps than women. The brief argues that migration is demand-driven and suggests that promoting circular migration and local investment can mitigate the risks associated with unfulfilled migration aspirations.

The document analyzes Senegal's use of patronage, economic influence, and military cooperation to exercise power over Guinea-Bissau from 2000 to 2012. It highlights how Senegal leveraged Guinea-Bissau's instability to secure military support against Casamance separatists, while noting the eventual decline of this influence due to the rise of Angolan involvement and internal Senegalese political shifts.

The report argues for a paradigm shift in the Common Agricultural Policy (CAP) from a focus on commodity production to the preservation of natural capital and ecosystem resilience. It identifies a 'triple challenge'—viable food production, sustainable resource management, and balanced territorial development—and proposes transition pathways including increased resource efficiency, embracing agricultural diversity, and expanding Payments for Ecosystem Services (PES). The analysis highlights the interdependence of these goals, noting that ecosystem degradation undermines both food security and the economic viability of rural areas, particularly in less prosperous regions.

The Warsaw Conference (COP 19) achieved several technical milestones but failed to secure ambitious new mitigation commitments or a clear financial roadmap. Key outcomes included the creation of the Warsaw International Mechanism for loss and damage and the Warsaw Framework for REDD+, alongside a draft for a universal agreement to be finalized in Paris. However, the event was marked by reduced mitigation goals from Japan and the removal of carbon taxes in Australia, highlighting a persistent divide between developed and developing nations over the priority of funding versus emission cuts.

The guidebook outlines a holistic approach to fossil-fuel subsidy reform in Southeast Asia, emphasizing a gradual transition to market-based pricing. It details methods for projecting economic and social impacts, designing mitigation measures such as targeted cash transfers, and building political support through internal coordination and external communication. The guide highlights that while subsidies are often intended to protect the poor, they frequently benefit wealthier populations and create fiscal burdens and environmental damage.

The document advocates for a multi-scale analysis of the Water-Energy-Food (WEF) nexus to improve cooperative governance and resource management. It presents a continuum of assessment tools, ranging from qualitative index building and opportunity analysis to quantitative hydro-economic and integrated modelling (such as WEAP and LEAP). These tools are designed to identify trade-offs, mitigate supply bottlenecks, and support sustainable infrastructure planning in transboundary macro-regions and at the local level.

The report examines the intersection of global demographic ageing and environmental change, highlighting that by 2050, people aged 55-plus will comprise nearly a quarter of the global population. It categorizes older people as 'contributors' (through consumption patterns), 'casualties' (due to increased vulnerability to natural disasters and pollution), and 'champions' (as a reservoir of knowledge and volunteers). A web-based survey of 1,028 individuals from Australia, Canada, the UK, USA, and Sweden reveals high levels of environmental concern and a willingness to take action, though respondents often underestimate the direct impacts of climate change on their own health and security. The document argues for 'age-proofed' policies that reduce environmental footprints, protect vulnerable seniors, and mobilize their experience for disaster risk reduction.

The report argues that transitioning to a green economy can serve as an insurance policy for Sweden against future global shocks. Using a scenario-based 'wind-tunnel' approach, it tests the robustness of various policy options across four plausible global futures: Glocal Citizenship, Global Governance, Return of Geopolitics, and Big Business. The authors conclude that while Sweden possesses strong preconditions—such as renewable resources and high social capital—it must proactively integrate environmental considerations into the heart of economic decision-making, specifically through the Ministry of Finance, to ensure long-term stability and competitiveness.

The paper assesses the continuity of French Africa policy under President François Hollande and identifies opportunities for South Africa to partner with France. It suggests that while the two nations may differ on specific conflicts, their shared interests in democratic governance and security, combined with France's permanent seat on the UN Security Council and South Africa's influence in the African Union, create a strategic basis for collaboration.

The document provides a detailed breakdown of climate finance pledges from various developed nations and the European Union, detailing the amounts pledged, the actual allocations made, the channeling institutions used, and the countries' positions on whether the funds are 'new and additional' to existing Official Development Assistance (ODA).

The document analyzes the mismatch between the stated environmental goals of biofuel policies and their actual political objectives, such as supporting agricultural constituencies. It argues that subsidies often create market distortions and unintended consequences, such as increasing food prices and harming the environment. The authors recommend phasing out support for food-based biofuels, adopting carbon pricing and the removal of fossil fuel subsidies as 'first-best' alternatives, and adhering to good governance principles and the Precautionary Principle to manage uncertainty regarding indirect land use change and food security.