Search Climate Insights Directory

The document examines Nigeria's potential to leverage transition minerals—such as lithium, nickel, and cobalt—to drive industrialization and fund climate action. It contrasts the current 'extract-and-export' model, which has left the mining sector contributing only about 0.3% to GDP, with a beneficiation strategy that could significantly increase revenue and create high-skilled jobs. The author highlights the global demand surge for these minerals and the geopolitical opportunity created by the concentration of processing in China. While the Nigerian government has introduced policies to mandate local processing and revoke dormant licenses, the paper notes that a lack of infrastructure and persistent governance deficits, including illegal mining and revenue leakages, remain primary obstacles.

The document argues that revising the Water Framework Directive (WFD) would create legal uncertainty and weaken environmental protections at a time when accelerating implementation is critical for climate adaptation and water resilience. The signatories contend that the WFD is essential for food security, public health, and the Human Right to Water and Sanitation, and that any changes intended to facilitate critical raw material extraction should not come at the expense of water quality and ecosystem health.

The report defines clean firm generation as dispatchable, low-emission electricity sources that do not rely on weather, including nuclear fission, fusion, geothermal, and carbon-capture-enabled fossil or bioenergy. It argues that integrating these technologies can significantly lower the total amount of wind, solar, and storage capacity needed, thereby reducing land use, critical mineral requirements, and overall system costs. The authors identify a 'missing middle' or 'valley of death' in financing for these capital-intensive projects and propose a multi-layered policy approach—combining RD&D, direct procurement, and technology-neutral targets—to achieve systemic bankability.

Carbon Market Watch asserts that private jet use in Europe is under-regulated despite being the most polluting form of travel. The organization proposes multiplying the carbon price by four for private jets and expanding the scope of the EU Emissions Trading System (EU ETS) to cover the 67% of private jet emissions currently exempt. Such measures could raise between €304 million and €2.2 billion annually by 2030, depending on the scope of coverage and the inclusion of non-CO2 effects. The document also advocates for aviation fuel taxation and the prioritization of low-cost solutions, such as contrail avoidance, over subsidies for unsustainable bio-kerosene.

The briefing asserts that authoritarian regimes, specifically Russia, China, and Iran, are using hybrid warfare to undermine trust in democratic institutions and divide liberal societies. It argues that current government responses are too siloed and reactive, failing to deliver results. To counter this, the author proposes three strategic pillars: establishing a comprehensive counter-hybrid doctrine that includes asymmetric and offensive capabilities, reorganizing government structures to enable holistic coordination and multi-stakeholder coalitions, and prioritizing strategic communications to outcompete authoritarian narratives both domestically and internationally.

A joint statement by industrial, research, and civil society organisations urging the European Commission to broaden the scope and ambition of the proposed Industrial Accelerator Act to better stimulate demand for low-carbon industrial products in Europe.

A satellite-based analysis by Ember reveals that Polish coal mines were the most frequent fossil fuel methane super-emitters in the EU in 2025. Despite a ban on routine venting from drainage systems that took effect in January 2025 under the EU Methane Regulation, five Polish drainage systems were observed venting methane. The report highlights a critical gap in enforcement, noting that Poland has not established the required national penalty framework. Coking coal mines were responsible for the vast majority of super-emitter events, and the analysis suggests that captured drainage methane could have provided significant heating energy for Polish households.

The EU's 2040 climate target aims for a 90% net reduction in emissions compared to 1990 levels. However, the author contends that this target is a dilution of ambition because it allows 5% of the reduction to be met through international carbon credits and relies on a 'net' framework rather than separate targets for emissions reductions and carbon removals. This design creates a risk of 'mitigation deterrence,' where the expectation of future carbon dioxide removal (CDR) technologies—such as BECCS and DACCS—justifies slower near-term decarbonization. Despite broad stakeholder support for separate targets, including from some business associations and CDR developers, the European Commission opted for a single net target to simplify governance and maintain industrial competitiveness. The document warns that integrating CDR into the EU Emission Trading Scheme (ETS) could further allow large emitters to avoid direct cuts.

The report highlights a conflict between the strategic autonomy of the European Union and the financing activities of major European banks, which continue to support US LNG export terminals. It notes that the EU imported 57% of its LNG from the US in 2025, a figure that could rise to 80% by 2030. The document identifies specific banks—including ING, Crédit Agricole, Santander, BPCE (via Natixis), and Société Générale—as key financiers of US developers like Venture Global and Freeport LNG. It warns that this dependence, compounded by a July 2025 trade agreement requiring the EU to purchase US$750 billion of US energy by 2028, exposes Europe to price volatility, geopolitical leverage by the US administration, and the risk of stranded assets.

The report claims that the EU's shift from Russian gas to US LNG has created a new strategic dependency, exacerbated by financing from major European banks like ING and Crédit Agricole. It highlights a July 2025 trade agreement requiring the EU to purchase $750 billion in US energy by 2028 as evidence of US geopolitical leverage. The author warns that this dependency leads to price volatility, risks stranded assets due to LNG overcapacity, and threatens EU climate targets.

The report uses a fictional 2030 scenario to analyze how various global actors would react to a proposed Arctic-based Stratospheric Aerosol Injection (SAI) deployment. It concludes that geopolitical instincts and existing rivalries, rather than scientific data, would drive initial responses, with Russia posing the primary security risk. The authors argue that a trusted multilateral scientific assessment and early trust-building are essential to prevent miscalculation and escalation.

The 'Big Five' agricultural traders—ADM, Bunge, Cargill, COFCO, and LDC (collectively ABCCD)—dominate the global trade of staples like grains, corn, soy, and sugar, controlling 70% to 90% of the commercial grain trade. During the 2021-2022 food price surge, these companies saw net profits increase by 200% to 300% compared to the 2016-2020 average. The author contends that this was achieved through strategic market consolidation, vertical integration, and inter-company cooperation, often facilitated by the EU's restrictive competition policy, which focuses primarily on immediate consumer prices rather than cumulative social harm. The document highlights the recent approval of the $34 billion Bunge-Viterra merger as evidence of regulatory failure and advocates for a transition toward an economy based on degrowth and decarbonization to dismantle the incentives for market concentration.

The document argues that the European Commission is increasingly abandoning impact assessments (IAs) and public consultations under the guise of 'political urgency', which ClientEarth claims increases legal risks and the likelihood of unintended environmental and social consequences. It recommends strictly limiting IA exemptions, increasing transparency by publishing assessments earlier in the legislative process, and ensuring balanced stakeholder representation to prevent corporate capture. Additionally, it criticizes the use of 'Omnibus' proposals for simplification, suggesting instead that the Commission focus on removing truly duplicative requirements and tying EU funding to law compliance.

The report highlights that 'next generation geothermal' technologies, such as Enhanced Geothermal Systems (EGS), have expanded the geographic viability of geothermal power beyond volcanic regions. In the EU, approximately 43 GW of capacity could be developed at costs below 100 €/MWh, potentially generating 301 TWh of electricity annually. While Europe has a strong historical foundation in geothermal energy, the report warns that the EU risks losing its leadership to the US and Canada due to slow permitting and a lack of coordinated policy frameworks. It also notes geothermal's potential to meet the rising energy demands of AI data centres and its ability to provide firm, low-carbon power and mineral recovery, such as lithium.

The report analyzes how the 'Romanian scenario'—a conspiracy theory alleging that the EU, intelligence services, and courts can rig elections—was used by far-right and far-left political actors, alternative media, and Russian-affiliated channels to undermine trust in Czechia's 2025 parliamentary elections. The narrative evolved from the actual annulment of a Romanian election round in December 2024 into a broader claim of institutional manipulation, often linking the EU's Rapid Response System (RRS) to 'censorship'. The study identifies a transnational pattern, noting similar narratives in Poland and Croatia, and highlights the role of pro-Kremlin propaganda in amplifying these claims to foster democratic distrust.

ClientEarth argues that the proposed Ocean Act must move from 'paper commitments to real practice' by becoming a legally binding Regulation rather than a Directive. The organization advocates for the achievement of 'Good Environmental Status' (GES) under the Marine Strategy Framework Directive (MSFD) as the overarching objective, which would prioritize environmental thresholds over socio-economic goals. Key recommendations include establishing a legally binding target for 30% of EU seas as effectively managed Marine Protected Areas (MPAs) by 2030, banning bottom trawling in MPAs, and phasing out harmful fisheries subsidies. ClientEarth also proposes 'Ocean Mainstreaming' to integrate marine protection across all EU sectoral policies and calls for stronger enforcement mechanisms, including access to justice and infringement proceedings, to close the existing implementation gap.

The report examines various formulas for calculating methane intensity, evaluating trade-offs between simplicity, accuracy, and applicability. It specifically addresses the needs of the EU Methane Regulation, which requires a methodology for producer-level intensity by August 2027 to set maximum intensity thresholds for oil and gas placed on the Union market by 2030. The analysis covers key decisions such as using single versus separate formulas for oil and gas, the choice between produced and marketed product denominators, and the appropriate level of granularity for reporting.

The report details how industrial actors employ strategies such as suppressing harmful data, funding biased research, and using front groups to avoid regulation of toxic chemicals. It provides case studies on PFAS, Bisphenol A (BPA), benzene, and neonicotinoids to illustrate these patterns of disinformation. The document concludes that to protect public health and the environment, companies producing hazardous substances should be prohibited from influencing the formulation of the policies that regulate them.

The document outlines a 'playbook' of industry tactics used to block chemical regulations, including the suppression of harmful data, the funding of biased research, and the use of front groups. It provides detailed case studies on PFAS, Bisphenol A (BPA), benzene, and pesticides to illustrate these patterns. The authors argue that because of this history of manipulation, chemical manufacturers and their trade associations should be prohibited from participating in the regulatory processes that govern their products, similar to the WHO's approach to the tobacco industry.

The document outlines a 'playbook' of corporate strategies used to avoid regulation of hazardous substances, including withholding data, undermining independent science, and using front groups. It provides case studies on PFAS, Bisphenol A (BPA), benzene, and neonicotinoids to illustrate these tactics and recommends banning industry participation in regulatory policymaking to protect human health and the environment.