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Carbon Market Watch argues that Horizon Europe, with its 100 billion euro budget, should prioritize the decarbonization of the economy and exclude all fossil fuel-based research and innovation to support a transition to net-zero emissions by 2040.

The document highlights the disconnect between mass public demand for urgent climate action, evidenced by the September 20, 2019 strikes, and the lack of citizen engagement in the drafting of EU national energy and climate plans (NECPs). It asserts that current NECPs are insufficient to meet Paris Agreement goals and calls for the establishment of permanent, multi-level public consultation platforms to ensure a rapid and just transition to zero-carbon societies.

The aviation sector lacks an official international climate target, with emissions growing exponentially and projected to increase by 300% by 2050 compared to 2015. The author criticizes CORSIA as a weak measure and warns that recognizing it as the sole global market-based measure could undermine the European Union Emissions Trading System (EU ETS).

The document argues that the long-standing convention of appointing a European as IMF managing director and a US national as World Bank president is "undemocratic, illegitimate, and rooted in neo-colonial principles." The signatories call for a selection process based on merit and transparency, where candidates are not required to be supported by their home governments and the winner is chosen by a majority of both voting shares and member states. They further advocate for a public job description requiring candidates to be well-versed in the challenges of low- and middle-income countries and committed to international human rights law and the IMF's commitments to climate change, gender inequality, and social spending.

The author argues that the European media business model is broken due to falling advertising revenues, the rise of algorithmic polarisation, and opaque ownership structures. This has led to a decline in rigorous investigative journalism and the rise of 'fake news' and state-sponsored disinformation. The text suggests that current technical and legal fixes are insufficient and that governments must provide financial support, such as grants and subsidies, to ethical, fact-based journalism to protect democratic norms.

The document argues that agroecology—combining science, practice, and social movements—provides a framework for transforming food systems to be more climate-resilient. It details how applying ecological principles (such as biodiversity and soil health) at various scales (field, farm, landscape, and food system) can mitigate climate risks. The paper provides evidence from Africa, India, and Europe, highlighting specific practices like agroforestry and Zero Budget Natural Farming. It concludes that scaling these approaches requires addressing market failures, reforming perverse policies, and shifting from a top-down technology transfer model to a co-creation of knowledge approach.

The report details IISD's Bioeconomy project (2017-2019) focusing on harvesting unconventional biomass from water retention sites and roadside ditches in Manitoba. It argues that this practice removes phosphorus to protect Lake Winnipeg, improves habitat health, and provides a low-carbon alternative to fossil fuels or a means of soil carbon sequestration. The document analyzes harvesting methods, the shift from bioenergy to livestock bedding and compost, and evaluates global and North American carbon market verification methodologies to identify frameworks suitable for these watershed management activities.

The author contends that the fossil fuel industry is the primary obstacle to climate progress, using lobbying and financial influence to block government action and corrupt international negotiations. Drawing a parallel to the tobacco divestment movement, the text argues that divestment removes the 'social license' of fossil fuel companies. It specifically calls on highly trusted UK health professionals and institutions, such as Royal Colleges, to divest from fossil fuels to create a ripple effect that pressures other investors and politicians globally.

The report evaluates options for replacing Poland's Bełchatów Lignite Power Plant, concluding that a 'Coal Exit' strategy by 2035—replacing coal with renewables (RES) and gas—is more cost-efficient and beneficial for health and employment than maintaining current policies. The Coal Exit scenario is projected to reduce CO2 emissions by 38% and total system costs by €64 billion compared to the Reference scenario, while increasing total employment by 76%. Specifically, phasing out Bełchatów earlier contributes €4 billion to these savings and approximately 50 million tonnes to the overall CO2 reduction.

The statement urges national governments to align their Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs) with the IPCC 1.5°C report, specifically calling for peaking emissions by 2020 and reaching net zero by 2050. It highlights the existing commitments of non-state actors—including over 900 companies, 9,000 cities, and hundreds of investors—as evidence that a zero-carbon transition is possible. The signatories demand specific policy interventions, including carbon pricing between US$40-100/tCO2-e by 2030, the elimination of fossil fuel subsidies, and the implementation of TCFD financial reporting recommendations by 2020.

The document criticizes the veto by Poland, the Czech Republic, Estonia, and Hungary against the EU's long-term climate strategy, arguing that such political obstruction harms businesses by removing investment certainty. It highlights that energy-intensive industries—specifically steel, cement, and chemicals—account for approximately 40% of greenhouse gas emissions under the EU emissions trading system and have seen no decrease in pollution since 2012. The author asserts that a formal commitment to net-zero emissions by 2050 is essential to signal a clear decarbonisation path, enable the development of financial frameworks, and inform the EU 2030 industrial strategy.

The document outlines the legal frameworks and specific entry points within the UNFCCC and Paris Agreement processes where public participation and access to information can be strengthened. It highlights the Aarhus Convention and Escazú Agreement as regional models for environmental democracy and warns that the lack of procedural rights in the Clean Development Mechanism led to harmful projects. The briefing recommends that the new Sustainable Development Mechanism (SDM) under Article 6.4 include robust stakeholder consultation and an independent grievance redress mechanism. It further suggests that the review of the Doha Work Programme and the updating of Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs) by 2020 be used to enhance the participation of local communities, indigenous peoples, and women.

This briefing examines the inequitable resource interdependency between Europe and Africa in the extractive sector. It argues that a symbiotic relationship can be achieved by implementing 'extractive justice'—incorporating procedural, distributive, and recognitional justice—into legal and policy frameworks to address wealth imbalances and governance deficits.

The document analyzes the tension between two competing sets of European values: 1960s liberal values (such as LGBT rights and feminism) and traditional Christian identity. It argues that populist movements use a 'concocted vision of the past' to frame Islam as culturally incompatible with Europe, while simultaneously ignoring the fact that they have embraced the very liberal values that traditional Christianity rejects. This paradox, combined with laws banning religious symbols to target Islam, results in the further dechristianisation of Europe, turning faith into mere 'folklore'.

The study analyzes PM2.5 concentrations in Paris and the Île-de-France region from 2009 to 2018, finding that reductions in annual averages and high-concentration days were primarily driven by local emission decreases. However, regional transport remains a significant factor, contributing up to 70% of annual PM2.5 at urban background sites, suggesting that regional emission reductions are necessary to meet WHO guidelines.

The report outlines key barriers and opportunities in scaling climate finance, emphasizing the need for development finance institutions (DFIs) to increase risk appetite and for the financial system to shift from risk disclosure to incentive-driven action. It highlights the importance of blended finance, sustainable land use, and urban infrastructure frameworks to achieve net-zero emissions by midcentury.

Between 2016 and 2019, irregular migration from North Africa to Europe increased, characterized by a shift toward direct departures from home countries and a diversifying migrant demographic that now includes more women, children, and university graduates. The report identifies economic pessimism, structural inequality, and political exclusion as primary drivers, further amplified by a social media ecosystem that romanticizes Europe and provides practical smuggling advice. While European states prioritize border hardening, the report argues that such securitized approaches ignore underlying causes and may destabilize North African governments, which view migration as a social safety valve. It recommends transitioning from short-term technical fixes to comprehensive strategic programs addressing the rule of law and structural inequality.

The document examines the inequitable resource interdependency between Europe and Africa, where Africa provides critical minerals and energy resources but does not benefit fully from the resulting wealth. It argues that current EU directives and African initiatives are insufficient to address illicit tax outflows and governance deficits. The authors propose the adoption of 'extractive justice'—comprising distributive, recognitional, and procedural justice—to create a symbiotic relationship and reduce resource-related conflicts.

The research examines the soy-meat value chain to determine if market-based governance, such as certification and eco-labeling, effectively manages sustainability. It finds that fragmented commitments based on different risk factors—such as deforestation for upstream traders versus animal welfare for downstream actors—lead to low instrument uptake and the displacement of environmental impacts. The authors conclude that network governance is necessary to overcome this 'sustainability gridlock' through better information exchange and trust between global regions.

The document explains the greenhouse effect and the role of human activities in increasing radiative forcing, noting that global warming has reached approximately 1°C since pre-industrial times. It details the global emissions profile by sector and the projected risks associated with 1.5°C versus 2°C warming, emphasizing that the latter significantly increases risks to human health, food security, and biodiversity. The text outlines the evolution of international climate governance from the UNFCCC and Kyoto Protocol to the Paris Agreement and its Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs). To limit warming to 1.5°C, the document argues for a transformative shift in the energy mix by 2050, including a drastic reduction in fossil fuel consumption and a move toward renewable energy and carbon dioxide removal technologies.