Search Climate Insights Directory

The document assesses the G-20's food security commitments from an African perspective, focusing on food-price volatility, agricultural productivity, and nutrition. While it finds broad alignment in rhetoric and focus areas, it argues that the G-20 fails to implement critical regulatory reforms in financial markets and trade that would meaningfully benefit Africa.

The document examines Russia's strategic return to Africa after a period of decline in the 1990s. It details the transition from Soviet-era ideological support to a modern, pragmatic approach focused on natural resources, arms trade, and diplomatic influence. The analysis highlights the role of the BRICS framework, particularly South Africa's membership, as a catalyst for renewed engagement. While Russia has established diplomatic ties with all African nations and increased investments in mining and energy, the paper notes a gap between high-level agreements and practical implementation, as well as a continued disparity in attention between North Africa and sub-Saharan Africa.

The document analyzes how CRASA facilitates regional regulatory integration in Southern Africa, highlighting the active role of private sector companies like Vodacom and MTN in government delegations. While CRASA successfully develops model guidelines and supports digital migration, the process is hindered by national incompetencies in transposing regional agreements into law. The study notes that telecommunications is a critical driver of economic growth, though penetration rates vary significantly across the region, with some states lagging due to weak regulatory capacity.

The author contends that the TTIP agreement will harm countries in the Global South, specifically citing risks to Mexico's clothing industry and citrus exports from South Africa, Egypt, and Morocco. The text argues that the primary goal of TTIP is for the EU and USA to establish global standards and maintain economic dominance, potentially forcing other nations to accept unfavorable terms or splitting the world into competing trade blocs. This process is viewed as a move away from the transparent, multilateral trade order established after World War II.

The author contends that the TTIP will harm the Global South through the diversion of trade flows and the imposition of EU-US standards on other nations. Mexico is highlighted as particularly vulnerable, specifically in its garment industry. The text suggests the agreement is a strategic attempt by the US and EU to bolster their diminishing economic influence and sideline the BRICS nations, potentially undermining the multilateral trading system in favor of a non-transparent, power-driven trade regime.

The document examines Zimbabwe's transition toward the 2013 general elections following the successful March 2013 constitutional referendum. It highlights the risks of electoral violence due to the partisan nature of the security sector and the dysfunction of the coalition government. The author outlines five possible electoral outcomes and recommends a SADC-endorsed roadmap, a security sector code of conduct, and robust international monitoring to prevent a repeat of the 2008 crisis.

The policy briefing addresses the declining momentum of the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM) and its National Programmes of Action (NPOA). It identifies causes for this decline, such as lack of interest from heads of state and insufficient financial support, and proposes reviving the process by integrating NPOA into National Developmental Plans (NDPs) and collaborating with African Union organs and regional economic communities.

The document examines the role of African states in the global nuclear security framework, specifically focusing on the transition from the Nuclear Security Summit process to the IAEA's leadership. It highlights the limited representation of African nations at summits but notes their substantive contributions through treaty ratification and regional cooperation. The brief recommends that African states develop a unified perspective for upcoming international conferences and strengthen domestic legislation to align with global safety and security standards.

South Africa has based its BRICS membership on national interest, regional integration, and infrastructure development, viewing the latter two as essential for the continent's growth and its own economic fortunes. While critics argue South Africa represents its own national interests rather than the continent's, the document suggests South Africa can provide a platform to reframe Africa's trade relations with emerging economies away from commodity exports. The text notes that BRICS-Africa trade has grown tenfold since 2002 to approximately US$340bn, and emphasizes that South Africa's leadership must be complemented by bilateral engagement with other regional anchors like Nigeria to be successful.

The statement analyzes South Africa's role in the BRICS forum and its aspirations for global governance reform, while cautioning that domestic instability and military setbacks in the Central African Republic may undermine its international prestige and leadership in Africa.

The report examines the divergence between lawful and wrongful expropriation compensation, the challenges of indirect expropriation, and the various valuation methods used by arbitral tribunals, such as market value and discounted cash flow.

The document examines the complexities of expropriation compensation, contrasting customary international law—which distinguishes between licit and illicit acts—with BITs, which often apply a uniform standard. It highlights the risks associated with indirect expropriation, where general public interest regulations may trigger high compensation costs. The guide evaluates three primary valuation methods: market value, net book value, and discounted cash flow, noting that the latter is often speculative. It concludes by recommending that states explicitly define indirect expropriation and specify interest rates and payment flexibility in their treaties, citing the SADC model BIT as a reference.

The policy brief examines South Africa's role as a 'gateway to Africa' within the BRICS group, arguing that the country must move from rhetoric to a concrete commercial diplomacy strategy to secure tangible economic gains. It highlights the growth of BRICS-Africa trade and investment, while noting that engagement remains largely bilateral and continues a pattern of Africa exporting raw materials and importing manufactured goods. The author recommends that South Africa prioritize bilateral relations with key African states and utilize development finance institutions to support regional integration and infrastructure.

The study examines the integration of climate change adaptation into water management in Lebanon, Jordan, and Egypt, highlighting that misconceptions about the timing and certainty of climate risks have led to a lack of mainstreaming in national water planning.

The document analyzes the shift from top-down public diplomacy to a more interactive digital age, exploring how social media affects political sentiment in China and across Africa. It argues that while technology allows for greater public engagement, its influence on actual policymaking varies by national context. In China, a complex negotiation exists between the state and various levels of public opinion (elite, sub-elite, and popular). In Africa, a 'technological leapfrog' is occurring via mobile access, yet in South Africa, social media has not yet become a significant tool for policy negotiation due to a lack of popular sentiment and deep-seated societal divisions. The author concludes that China–Africa relations remain primarily driven by leadership and economic interests, with public understanding remaining superficial and reactive.

The document examines the evolution of suicide attacks in Africa, distinguishing between ad hoc incidents and those part of broader campaigns by groups like AQLIM, al-Shabaab, and Boko Haram. It details tactical advantages, target selection, and delivery methods, while providing a historical analysis of attacks in countries such as Kenya, Tanzania, Tunisia, Morocco, Egypt, Somalia, and Nigeria. The guide also offers recommendations for preventing recruitment and improving intelligence gathering, while warning against repressive counter-terrorism measures that may fuel further radicalization.

The document describes a planned conference, 'The APRM +10: Reviewing a Decade of Peer Learning and Projecting a Future of Governance in Africa', to be held in Addis Ababa in May 2013. It seeks to evaluate the APRM's progress since its 2003 establishment, specifically focusing on the implementation of National Programmes of Action (NPoAs) and the role of civil society in holding member states accountable. The briefing highlights the tension between the voluntary nature of the APRM and the compulsory nature of the African Charter on Democracy, Elections and Governance (ACDEG), while calling for better synergies between the APRM and other AU organs, such as the Pan African Parliament and the Peace and Security Commission.

The report finds that global methane emissions from landfills are likely 10-15 Tg CH4/yr, significantly lower than the ~35 Tg reported by IPCC-based methodologies. It argues that developing countries will not follow the historical trajectory of industrialized nations toward heavy landfill reliance due to established recycling cultures, space constraints in megacities, and high organic waste content. The author identifies a 'gulf' between waste management field studies and climate modeling, noting that IPCC defaults often overestimate landfilling rates and underestimate food waste fractions. Among mitigation options, aerobic composting is highlighted as the most viable for developing countries because it is low-cost, suited to high-organic waste, and reduces leachate. Projections suggest that expanding composting could reduce 2030 methane emissions by approximately 34% compared to a reference scenario, while combined incineration and composting could reduce them by 43%.

The report examines how States use registration and approval requirements in investment treaties to control which investments are eligible for protection and international arbitration. It analyzes treaty practices in Southeast Asia and Africa, reviews key arbitral awards, and provides drafting recommendations to ensure these requirements are legally effective and not dismissed as mere formalities.

The guide examines how states use 'registration' or 'approval' requirements in investment treaties to restrict which investments are eligible for protection and arbitration. It analyzes treaty examples from ASEAN and COMESA, as well as arbitral awards (Yaung Chi Oo, Gruslin, and Desert Line), to demonstrate that while these criteria are legitimate strategic tools for quality control, their effectiveness depends on precise drafting and clear procedural frameworks. The document recommends that states explicitly state these requirements as indispensable conditions and provide transparent, detailed procedures for compliance.