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The report examines the role of the private sector in advancing regional integration in Southern Africa, arguing that active private sector involvement often leads to more successful outcomes than state-led efforts alone. Through case studies on non-tariff barriers, payment systems, the sugar industry, and telecommunications, it demonstrates that large companies and industry associations can drive policy harmonisation and infrastructure development, sometimes independently of the region's largest economy, South Africa.

The African Union (AU) has transitioned from the non-interventionist norms of the OAU to an activist approach of collective responsibility, establishing the African Peace and Security Architecture (APSA) to manage armed conflicts. While the AU has successfully deployed missions in Somalia and Burundi and partnered with the UN in Darfur, it faces significant financial, logistical, and coordination challenges. The document argues for deeper harmonization between the AU and UN, as well as a greater openness to bilateral peacekeeping training and assistance from partners such as France, the UK, and the US.

The policy briefing addresses the declining momentum of the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM) and its National Programmes of Action (NPOA). It identifies causes for this decline, such as lack of interest from heads of state and insufficient financial support, and proposes reviving the process by integrating NPOA into National Developmental Plans (NDPs) and collaborating with African Union organs and regional economic communities.

The document identifies two contradictory trends in tropical land tenure: a 'global land rush' where agricultural land is transferred from governments and communities to corporate control, and a simultaneous increase in forestland tenure granted to Indigenous Peoples and local communities. The author argues that while agricultural land transfers are driven by economic factors—such as rising food prices, changing diets, and biofuel demand—forestland transfers are primarily political, driven by rights campaigns and the financial incentives of national-scale REDD+ programs. The paper notes regional disparities, with community tenure increasing significantly in Latin America, while corporate land-grabbing is most prevalent in Africa.

The research paper argues that South Africa's military involvement in the Central African Republic (CAR) is driven by a desire to contest Western influence and secure resource interests. It highlights the CAR's wealth in diamonds, uranium, and potential oil, which has attracted Chinese investment and caused friction with France. The author notes that South Africa's efforts to resist 'western interference' have been undermined by a lack of regional diplomatic support and insufficient intelligence infrastructure, leading to a 'humiliating experience' in the face of more established international rivals.

The document examines the role of African states in the global nuclear security framework, specifically focusing on the transition from the Nuclear Security Summit process to the IAEA's leadership. It highlights the limited representation of African nations at summits but notes their substantive contributions through treaty ratification and regional cooperation. The brief recommends that African states develop a unified perspective for upcoming international conferences and strengthen domestic legislation to align with global safety and security standards.

The assessment identifies that vulnerability in the Virunga landscape is driven by high population density, land mismanagement, and social marginalisation. While gorilla-based tourism has boosted regional economic development, benefits are unevenly distributed, and the Batwa community remains particularly vulnerable due to extreme poverty and restricted land access. Soil erosion is attributed more to poor agricultural practices on steep slopes than to rainfall alone. The document suggests that improving adaptive capacity requires agroforestry, restoration of marginal lands, and sustainable fuelwood management.

This report identifies effective strategies used by faith-based organizations across Africa to combat HIV stigma. It categorizes interventions into knowledge sharing, upliftment, and advocacy, while emphasizing the critical role of faith leaders as community change agents. Through eight case studies, the document highlights that sustainable stigma reduction requires long-term commitment, the inclusion of people living with HIV in leadership, and the use of personal testimonies over purely theoretical training.

The statement analyzes South Africa's role in the BRICS forum and its aspirations for global governance reform, while cautioning that domestic instability and military setbacks in the Central African Republic may undermine its international prestige and leadership in Africa.

The report establishes a reference case for greenhouse gas emissions in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) from 1990 to 2030. It identifies agriculture as the largest non-LULUCF emitting sector and notes a significant historical shift where the DRC moved from being a large net carbon sink in 2000 to a small net emitter by 2010. The projections are based on GDP and population growth forecasts, though the report highlights substantial data gaps and uncertainties, particularly in the LULUCF and agriculture sectors.

The report analyzes the shift in power relations in Mali after the 2013 French military intervention, noting a 're-presidentialised' political system and a temporary decline in the influence of the 2012 military junta. It argues that while military gains in the north have been achieved, lasting stability requires inclusive reconciliation that addresses the grievances of northern communities and a credible electoral process that avoids returning to previous patterns of corruption. The author cautions against a traditional UN peacekeeping mission, suggesting a peace support operation instead, and emphasizes the need for comprehensive security sector reform and regional cooperation to counter terrorist and criminal networks.

The research examines how the physical and economic characteristics of natural resources predispose them to be exploited by warring factions in Africa. It posits that resources requiring low specialized skills, high portability, and high liquidity (like alluvial diamonds) are more likely to fuel conflict. Conversely, capital-intensive resources (like deep-level gold or oil) are less attractive to rebels but can still be linked to conflict through state weakness and elite rent-seeking. The author emphasizes that while resource characteristics create vulnerabilities, the state's capacity to manage grievances and maintain territorial control determines whether these vulnerabilities lead to actual conflict.

The document analyzes the evolution of China's strategies to secure mineral resources in Africa, moving from a primary reliance on 'infrastructure-for-resources' loans to a more diversified approach emphasizing mergers and acquisitions (M&A). While infrastructure-for-resources deals have been effective in locking in long-term supply, they have often failed to secure hard equity assets due to project delays and political instability. In contrast, the 2008-09 global financial crisis enabled Chinese state-owned enterprises (SOEs) to use their high liquidity to acquire significant mining and oil assets through M&As, particularly in the mining sector. The author concludes that while the Chinese state remains a critical financier, the strategy has shifted toward more market-oriented, direct acquisitions to reduce reliance on foreign suppliers and gain control over commodity prices.

The report identifies a 'syndrome of fragility' in Africa driven by the interaction of poor governance, conflict, inequality, and poverty. Using the International Futures (IFs) system, it forecasts that while 16 of the 26 identified 'more fragile' states could transition toward resilience by 2050, ten countries—including the DRC, Somalia, and South Sudan—are at risk of remaining in a fragility trap. The analysis warns that climate change and democratic deficits could exacerbate these risks, and recommends long-term national development plans, extractive sector reform, and direct cash transfers to the poor to pivot toward a more optimistic future.

The policy brief contends that international efforts to combat sexual violence in war have focused excessively on victim protection and criminal prosecution, leaving the motivations of perpetrators largely unexamined. To move toward effective prevention, the author proposes three focused approaches: analyzing individual personality traits during military recruitment, holding military leadership accountable to dismantle the perception that sexual violence is a permissible wartime activity, and challenging militarized masculinities that may justify such crimes. The document emphasizes that understanding the intersection of personal traits and the coercive environment of war is essential for identifying preventive remedies.

The document analyzes Zambia's energy sector and the incentives provided by the government to attract private investment in renewable energy. It details a framework of fiscal incentives (tax exemptions on dividends, import duties, and corporate tax), financial incentives (grants from the Rural Electrification Fund and government-backed loan guarantees for ZESCO), and other support services provided by the Zambia Development Agency (ZDA) and the Office for Promoting Private Power Investment (OPPPI). While stakeholders report a generally positive trend and increased interest in projects, the report notes a lack of transparency regarding the actual costs of these incentives and a need for greater legal clarity regarding which renewable energy technologies qualify for support.

The document argues that eradicating malaria in Africa by 2025 would prevent 12 million deaths and increase the continent's economic output by nearly US$ 430 billion by 2050. Using the International Futures (IFs) tool, the authors compare a 'Base Case' of continued current efforts against a 'Malaria Eradication' scenario. They find that while eradication would lead to a slight population increase, this would be tempered by declining fertility rates resulting from lower infant mortality. The brief highlights that the economic gains, driven by increased productivity and reduced disability, would far outweigh the high costs of eradication campaigns and vaccine development.

The paper assesses the continuity of French Africa policy under President François Hollande and identifies opportunities for South Africa to partner with France. It suggests that while the two nations may differ on specific conflicts, their shared interests in democratic governance and security, combined with France's permanent seat on the UN Security Council and South Africa's influence in the African Union, create a strategic basis for collaboration.

Malawi and Tanzania are unable to agree on a mediation process for their dispute over Lake Malawi, with Tanzania proposing a former SADC head of state and Malawi preferring the International Court of Justice. The dispute is driven by potential oil and gas deposits in the lake. The situation highlights SADC's lack of a standing regional mediation architecture and the 2010 suspension of its regional tribunal, suggesting a need for formal mechanisms to handle trans-boundary resource conflicts.

The 2011 elections in the DRC were marked by significant logistical failures, allegations of fraud, and persistent insecurity, particularly in the east. While Joseph Kabila was declared the winner and consolidated power, the process was criticized by international observers and the opposition for lacking transparency. Post-election dynamics have been characterized by continued instability in the Kivu regions, including military mutinies and the emergence of the M23 group, alongside deep-seated socio-economic poverty and ethnic polarization.