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The paper argues that Zambia is caught in a 'commodity trap' and 'quiescence trap', where over-reliance on copper exports and a lack of economic complexity hinder broad-based growth. While copper production has improved social indicators like the Human Development Index since 2000, the country faces a severe fiscal crisis with government debt projected to reach nearly 150% of GDP by 2020. The author identifies policy volatility, specifically frequent changes to the Mineral Royalty Tax (MRT), as a primary deterrent to long-term investment and exploration. To overcome these barriers, the paper suggests replicating 'islands of effectiveness'—local-level collaborative governance models—such as the town of Kalumbila, which integrates mining with upstream and downstream linkages. Key recommendations include securing property rights, reducing the cost of doing business, and reversing the 5% concentrate import tax to fully utilise smelting capacity.

The report examines the actions of 14 African countries at the UN Human Rights Council in 2017. It finds that the African Group is no longer a unified voting bloc, with significant divergence in how members approach human rights. Botswana, Ghana, and Rwanda are identified as the strongest defenders of international human rights among the group, while Burundi, Egypt, and Nigeria are characterized as the most antagonistic. The analysis highlights a recurring tension between the principle of national sovereignty and the universality of human rights, particularly regarding 'item 4' resolutions that mandate investigations into specific countries without their consent.

The document evaluates forest governance in nine tropical countries, noting improvements in legal frameworks and multi-stakeholder engagement driven by Voluntary Partnership Agreements (VPAs) and REDD+. However, it highlights critical failures in cross-sectoral policy coherence, the rule of law, and the implementation of free, prior, and informed consent (FPIC). While transparency has increased through digital tools, accountability remains limited by corruption and insufficient resources for law enforcement.

The briefing analyzes community land tenure in 14 countries, finding that while 57% of total national land in these countries is held by communities, levels of legal recognition and formal documentation vary significantly by nation. It highlights that 'not-recognized' land held under customary tenure is more vulnerable to seizure, and notes that while some countries like Tanzania and Kenya recognize all held community land, others like DRC and Cambodia have very low rates of legal recognition.

The document assesses the market potential and specific needs of refugees and IDPs in the DRC, highlighting significant spending power and a high demand for micro-loans and energy solutions. It identifies key opportunities for businesses to provide digital credit, improved money transfer services, and affordable electricity, particularly through PAYG schemes, while noting that most displaced populations possess the formal identification necessary to access bank accounts.

The report examines the potential of the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) to drive long-term GDP growth and poverty reduction by 2050, while noting that immediate gains will come from manufacturing and technology leapfrogging. It details the AU's suspension of Sudan following the military junta's crackdown on protestors and warns of risks including civil war and external influence from Gulf powers. The document highlights a democratic setback in Africa, where incumbents use constitutional amendments and electoral law changes to maintain power, citing Benin as a key example. It reviews AU peace support operations (PSOs) in Somalia and Darfur, arguing that military action must be paired with political solutions and questioning the neutrality of deploying neighbouring states. Finally, it discusses the AU-UN partnership, emphasizing the need for UN Security Council reform and sustainable financing for AU-led operations.

The document analyzes the impact and implementation of the WTO Trade Facilitation Agreement (TFA) across Africa, with a detailed focus on Zambia. It explores the benefits of trade facilitation, such as increased exports and regional integration, while highlighting systemic barriers including inadequate infrastructure, reliance on donor funding, and poor inter-governmental coordination. Through a case study of four Zambian border posts—Nakonde, Kasumbalesa, Kazungula, and Chirundu—the paper illustrates the gap between high-level political commitment and on-the-ground operational realities, such as the failure to implement functional Single Window systems and the regression of previously successful One-Stop Border Posts (OSBPs) due to lack of data-sharing and poor donor exit strategies.

The report examines the operational and financial models of mineral and metal trading companies, highlighting their role as intermediaries and financiers for small and medium-sized mining firms. It concludes that while these companies generally operate on an arm's length basis, their inherent opacity and the use of complex financial arrangements, such as streaming agreements, create potential fiscal risks for host governments. The document recommends enhancing transparency through the EITI, implementing mandatory contract registration, and using globally recognized pricing for tax calculations.

The report examines the complex relationship between the African Union (AU) and Regional Economic Communities (RECs), specifically the application of 'subsidiarity'—the principle that regional structures should lead in their own jurisdictions. It highlights systemic failures in North Africa due to the inactivity of the Arab Maghreb Union (AMU), tensions between the AU and SADC over elections in the Democratic Republic of Congo, and the AU's successful re-assumption of leadership in the Central African Republic. The document also notes the East African Community's (EAC) internal trade disputes, ECOWAS's struggle to adapt to violent extremism in the Sahel, and the general lack of civil society engagement within the AU and the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD).

The report argues that Kenya suffers from 'state capture,' where a political elite has repurposed state institutions—specifically the Presidency and the Treasury—for private profiteering and to fund electioneering. It contends that conventional anti-corruption efforts, including high-profile arrests and commissions of inquiry, are tactical 'stagecraft' that fail to address the deep roots of the problem. The document details three major cases of state capture: the Goldenberg, Anglo Leasing, and Eurobond scandals. It further analyzes how the electoral management body, the police, and the judiciary have been compromised to maintain this system. The report concludes that while democracy has been hollowed out, it still offers potential for rupture through economic crises or the emergence of powerful anti-corruption coalitions, and suggests that civil society should focus on archiving evidence for future prosecutions and pursuing international indictments.

The document examines the inequitable resource interdependency between Europe and Africa, where Africa provides critical minerals and energy resources but does not benefit fully from the resulting wealth. It argues that current EU directives and African initiatives are insufficient to address illicit tax outflows and governance deficits. The authors propose the adoption of 'extractive justice'—comprising distributive, recognitional, and procedural justice—to create a symbiotic relationship and reduce resource-related conflicts.

The fact sheet highlights how recycling cobalt and lithium from end-of-life products, particularly electric vehicle batteries, can mitigate supply shortages, reduce environmental degradation, and support Sustainable Development Goals by decoupling economic growth from finite resource consumption.

Kivu Green Energy (KGE) is deploying solar PV and storage mini-grids in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) to replace expensive and unreliable diesel generation. Operating in challenging environments like North Kivu, KGE provides electricity to homes, businesses, and humanitarian organizations. The company aims to scale its capacity from a 1.3MW project in Goma to 1 GW by 2033 to serve 5 million urban customers, supported by the Energy Access Booster award.

The report argues that while cobalt and lithium are critical for the low-carbon transition, their current recycling rates are low—specifically less than 5% for lithium-ion batteries. It identifies barriers across the primary supply chain (such as conflict and child labour in the DRC), the recycling chain (inefficient collection and technical challenges), and regulatory environments (inapt definitions and ambiguous liability). The authors recommend enhancing eco-design, raising consumer awareness to reduce 'hibernation' of electronics, and updating regulatory frameworks to include clear definitions and meaningful recycling targets to support the UN Sustainable Development Goals and the circular economy.

The IEU report covers its operational progress between November 2019 and February 2020, highlighting the completion of evaluations on country ownership and environmental and social safeguards. It details the progress of the Learning-Oriented Real-Time Impact Assessment (LORTA) programme, the publication of evidence gap maps on forestry and adaptation, and the unit's 95% budget expenditure rate for 2019.

The document introduces ACLED data on political violence targeting women (PVTW), defining it as the use of physical force by groups with political motivations in the public sphere. The analysis reveals that while sexual violence is a significant threat, non-sexual attacks are the most commonly reported type of PVTW globally. The brief highlights regional variations in both the types of violence and the perpetrators, noting that anonymous armed groups are the most frequent offenders overall, while state forces, political militias, and mobs dominate in specific regions. The authors argue that understanding these patterns is essential for evidence-based Women, Peace and Security (WPS) policies and for achieving 'security equality' by recognizing women as active political agents rather than mere victims.

The document analyzes the precarious transition of power in the Democratic Republic of Congo following the announcement that Félix Tshisekedi won the December 30 election with 38.57% of the vote. It highlights immediate hurdles, including contested election legitimacy, the risk of violence from supporters of Martin Fayulu, and the necessity of securing the acquiescence of Joseph Kabila's regime and the military. The author argues that regional stability depends on Tshisekedi's ability to cooperate with leaders in Rwanda, Burundi, Uganda, South Africa, and Angola, as well as the continued engagement of the UN Security Council through MONUSCO.

The SADC–IISD Investment Facilitation Workshop, held in August 2018, aimed to transition the concept of investment facilitation toward a focus on sustainable development. Participants from 13 SADC member states analyzed the distinctions between trade and investment facilitation and reviewed the UNCTAD Global Action Menu. The workshop concluded that facilitation measures should primarily remain at the national level to preserve regulatory space, while the regional (SADC) and international levels should focus on information sharing, capacity building, and technical assistance rather than new legal obligations.

The report analyzes the legal frameworks of 22 IGF member countries, identifying systemic weaknesses in how ESIAs and related plans (ESMPs, closure plans, and RAPs) are used as decision-making tools. Key issues include ambiguity over the rights of exploration permit holders during the transition to exploitation, inadequate sequencing of document submission, and weak monitoring mechanisms. It argues that ESIAs should be capable of leading to project rejection and recommends the use of Strategic Environmental Assessments (SEAs) to identify sensitive areas before exploration permits are granted. The document also highlights the risk of international arbitration arising from these legal ambiguities.

The document analyzes the tension between the International Criminal Court (ICC) and the African Union (AU), attributing the friction to perceived bias, the influence of the UN Security Council, and a clash between retributive and restorative justice. It explores the proposed African Court of Justice and Human Rights (ACJHR) and the Malabo Protocol as regional alternatives, while noting significant hurdles in funding and ratification. The author argues that while the ICC is limited by global power politics, Africa's path to accountability depends on the political will to ratify regional judicial frameworks and utilize hybrid courts.