Search Climate Insights Directory

The report examines the marginalization of women in the Cyprus peace process and the efforts of civil society groups, such as the Gender Advisory Team (GAT), to implement UN Security Council Resolution 1325. It highlights the low political representation of women on both sides of the divide and the dominance of a masculinist lens in conflict narratives. The author details specific recommendations for governance, property, and economic rights in a potential federal state, while evaluating the limited impact of the Technical Committee on Gender Equality established in 2015.

The document examines the intersection of global climate goals, EU energy security, and the emergence of the Eastern Mediterranean as a potential gas hub. It analyzes the role of natural gas as a 'bridging fuel' for the EU, the geopolitical use of energy by Russia and Iran, and the commercial and political obstacles facing gas development in Israel, Cyprus, and Egypt, particularly following the discovery of the Zohr field.

The report examines how environmental issues in Cyprus can either exacerbate conflict or facilitate peace-building. It analyzes the political, legal, and administrative asymmetries between the Republic of Cyprus and the Turkish Cypriot administration, noting that fragmented planning leads to environmental degradation, such as illegal quarrying in the Pentadaktylos and Androlikou/Gündoğdu areas. The document reviews various levels of cooperation, from intergovernmental organizations like the UN and EU to the Bi-communal Technical Committee on the Environment (BTCE) and grassroots ENGOs. It concludes with proposals for a Buffer Zone Peace Park, UNESCO Biosphere Reserves, and a bi-communal ecological studies centre in Varisheia to foster long-term reconciliation.

The document examines the complex geopolitical landscape of the Middle East through a series of expert perspectives. Key themes include the failure of Western 'exceptionalism' in diplomacy, the systemic human rights abuses in countries like Egypt and Saudi Arabia, and the critical role of water scarcity as a driver of intra-state conflict. It provides detailed analysis of the 'bottom-up' stabilization efforts in Iraq via local ceasefires, the strategic threat of Iranian nuclear proliferation, and the use of public diplomacy by non-state actors like Hizbollah. Additionally, it addresses the stalled peace process between Israel and Palestine and the specific challenges of the Cyprus division.

The report examines the 'post-Annan generation' of students in Cyprus, comparing the attitudes of 332 Greek Cypriots and 232 Turkish Cypriots. It finds that Turkish Cypriot students are generally more open to reconciliation and a federal solution, crossing checkpoints more frequently for leisure and shopping. In contrast, Greek Cypriot students are more hesitant to cross, often citing personal conviction or emotional reasons, and are more likely to be undecided or opposed to a potential referendum on a solution. The study establishes a statistically significant link between the quantity of inter-group contact and more reconciliatory political stances, particularly for Greek Cypriots. It also notes that political ideology, specifically a left-wing orientation, correlates with pro-solution attitudes on both sides.

The document details the collaboration between IDSA and PRIO, focusing on India's perspectives on food security, nuclear governance, and climate change. It highlights India's pursuit of nuclear energy capacity, its adherence to the CBDR-RC principle in climate negotiations, and the internal challenges of food insecurity and insurgencies.

The paper maps the disparate research and practice of 'business-peace' interactions into five core assertions: economic engagement creating a peace dividend, local development building peace capacities, importing international norms for accountability, constraining conflict drivers, and direct corporate diplomacy. While proponents argue these activities foster stability and development, critics warn of neo-colonial exploitation, 'peacewashing', and the risk of exacerbating local inequalities. The author concludes that business contributions are often limited by the willingness of local regimes and the priority of profit over courageous ethical choices in fragile contexts.

The report examines the intersection of the Cyprus conflict and migration, highlighting how the island's territorial division and communal citizenship regime create systemic barriers for refugees and migrants. It analyzes the securitization of the Green Line, the lack of a formal asylum system in northern Cyprus, and the discriminatory nature of the Republic of Cyprus's citizenship laws, which assign individuals to ethnic communities. The author argues that these conflict-driven structures exacerbate the vulnerability of migrants and recommends revising the citizenship regime as part of peace negotiations.

The report finds that Cypriot youth feel underrepresented in politics and lack confidence in political institutions, while maintaining a general openness to inter-communal interaction despite low actual contact. Most youth are pessimistic about the current peace negotiation process and the likelihood of a solution to the Cyprus problem, though many believe they have a responsibility to contribute to a peaceful settlement.

The document argues that treating nonstate actors as unitary entities in civil conflict analysis creates a gap between conceptual frames and empirical reality. It proposes a 'disaggregation' approach to examine how internal divisions, factionalism, and shifting coalitions influence the initiation, escalation, and termination of violence. The authors highlight that fragmentation can either increase violence through in-group competition or facilitate peace through state co-optation of specific factions. The text calls for more disaggregated data to better understand the dynamics of nonstate actors, including the role of external state intervention in precipitating or exacerbating internal splits.

The report assesses the effects of opening the Ledra Street/Lokmaci crossing in Nicosia, which connected residential and commercial areas across the 1974 cease-fire line. Survey data indicates that the opening revitalized the city's traditional commercial centre, benefiting shopkeepers from both Greek and Turkish Cypriot communities despite a global economic downturn. While Turkish Cypriots showed higher levels of optimism and more frequent crossings, the findings suggest a mutually beneficial economic relationship that challenges the notion that reunification would be economically damaging to either community.

The report estimates that a reunification of Cyprus would provide Turkey with an annual peace dividend of EUR 17.4 billion (3.5% of 2009 GDP), comprising EUR 5.1 billion in savings and EUR 12.3 billion in additional export revenue. Key gains for Turkey include the potential for EUR 7 billion from financial and business services, EUR 1.7 billion from transport, and EUR 1.6 billion from tourism. Additionally, Turkey could see foreign direct investment (FDI) rise to EUR 33 billion per year. Greece is projected to benefit from EUR 2.3 billion in annual military savings, EUR 19.8 billion in FDI, and various gains in tourism and energy transit. The document highlights energy as the greatest opportunity, noting that a settlement would unblock Turkey's EU accession energy chapter and facilitate projects like Blue Stream-2.

The document examines the contested nature of 'power sharing,' noting that it is often implemented as a tool for conflict resolution but yields contradictory results in research. It identifies four primary types of power sharing: political, military, territorial, and economic. The author argues that findings vary based on whether researchers view power sharing as a means to achieve stable democracy (consociationalism) or as a tool for postconflict conflict management. While some studies suggest inclusive institutions prolong peace by addressing rebel security concerns, others argue they reward violence, strengthen ethnic divisions, and hinder democratic accountability by marginalizing opposition.

The report examines the landscape of transitional justice in Cyprus, focusing on the tension between hegemonic national narratives and the need for a bicommunal reckoning with the past. It analyzes the role of the Committee on Missing Persons (cMp), the lack of domestic criminal prosecutions, and the emergence of civil society-led documentation and memorialisation projects. The authors argue that while political leaders fear that truth-seeking may destabilise peace negotiations, there is significant public support for such processes. The document recommends that political leadership and civil society collaborate on strategies to address the legacy of violence, regardless of the outcome of peace settlements.

The report examines the impact of natural gas discoveries in the Eastern Mediterranean on the geopolitics of Cyprus. It details the conflicting maritime claims between the Republic of Cyprus (RoC), Turkey, and the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus (TRNC), while analyzing the economic viability of various export options including LNG and pipelines. The authors conclude that the most likely future is a continuation of the status quo, where the RoC's ability to exploit gas remains heavily dependent on Israeli export decisions and the absence of a political settlement with Turkey.

The study analyzes 142 self-determination movements across 77 countries to determine the preventive effects of UNSC actions. It finds that direct diplomatic engagement significantly reduces the probability of armed conflict onset. Additionally, while direct force and sanctions show limited or positive correlations with conflict, indirect authorizations of force and sanctions—those applied in a broader regional or state-wide context—act as powerful deterrents, reducing the likelihood of civil war for related self-determination groups.

The analysis explores the experiences of 'peripheral' doctoral students in a UK-based professional doctorate programme, focusing on the tensions between their professional expertise and their novice status in academia. It identifies four primary categories of challenges: the struggle for belonging and social isolation, complexities in supervisory relationships, identity and language dissonance, and the psychological impact of 'impostor syndrome'. The authors argue that while distance programmes provide necessary flexibility, they often create a disconnect with the broader university infrastructure. The study highlights the value of the 'cohort model' in building social capital and suggests that institutional support, such as cross-cultural training and flexible enrolment options, is essential for the success of non-traditional students.

The report examines the water crisis in North Cyprus, driven by climate change and poor management, and evaluates the 'Project of the Century'—a pipeline transporting water from Turkey's Toros Mountains to North Cyprus. It highlights the risks of over-reliance on Turkey, the failure of current decentralized water management, and the lack of coordination between the island's divided administrations. The authors recommend transitioning to a centralized, transparent governance model based on OECD principles, diversifying water sources through renewable-energy-powered desalination, and fostering bi-communal cooperation to ensure long-term environmental sustainability.

The report examines the impact of the Turkey-North Cyprus water pipeline, an innovative project pumping water from the Taurus Mountains to North Cyprus, within the context of increasing water scarcity in the Eastern Mediterranean. It highlights a systemic failure in water governance in North Cyprus, characterized by short-term political tactics, lack of coordination, and unsustainable groundwater extraction leading to salinisation. While the pipeline provides a significant new resource, the authors argue that without comprehensive reform—including the creation of an independent regulatory board, better data collection, and bi-communal cooperation—the project may not ensure long-term climate resilience. The report suggests adopting OECD principles of water governance to improve effectiveness, efficiency, and trust.

The research analyzes UNSC resolutions in self-determination disputes to determine what drives the UN's decision to take preventive action. The authors find that the UN is significantly more likely to intervene in nonviolent disputes that have a history of violence or are located in regions with a high potential for contagion. While the UN employs a variety of tools—most notably diplomacy and condemnation—political constraints, particularly the interests of the P-5 members, limit its ability to act based on specific dispute-level characteristics like factionalism or economic status.