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The case study examines the trajectory of the Croatian Green party ORaH, which peaked at 16.8% approval in 2014 before collapsing to 0.6% after the 2016 elections. The author attributes this failure to a combination of strategic errors—such as supporting a candidate perceived as a satellite of the SDP—and internal structural weaknesses, including a lack of political experience among 80% of its members and an 'elitist' communication style. The text concludes that future Green success in Croatia requires a bottom-up organizational approach and stronger knowledge transfer from Western Green organizations.

The research paper examines the trajectory of Održivi razvoj Hrvatske (ORaH), the first green party in Croatia, which saw its popularity peak at 16.8% in 2014 before collapsing to 0.6% by 2016. The author attributes this failure to a combination of strategic political errors—specifically the decision to support incumbent President Ivo Josipović—and internal structural weaknesses, including a 'top-down' organizational approach and a lack of grassroots infrastructure. The text concludes that while there is a growing appetite for green ideas in Croatia and Southeast Europe, future success for green parties depends on building stable bases through grassroots movements rather than relying on the charisma of a single leader.

ORaH emerged in 2013 as a promising Green alternative in Croatia, peaking at a 16.8% approval rating in October 2014. However, the party suffered a steep decline, falling to 0.6% after the 2016 parliamentary elections. This failure is attributed to a combination of strategic miscalculations—specifically the decision to support incumbent Ivo Josipović in the presidential elections—and internal structural weaknesses, including a lack of political experience among 80% of its members and a 'top-down approach' that failed to build a grassroots base. The party was also perceived as a 'virtual party' and an 'SDP satellite', eventually being overtaken by other 'third option' parties like Živi zid and Most.

The author contends that the current political crisis in Europe, often labeled as the rise of 'illiberal democracy,' is more accurately described as the rise of 'authoritarian capitalism.' This shift is driven by the incompatibility of global economic integration, national states, and democracy, which has left marginalized groups—described as 'vagabonds'—vulnerable to right-wing exploitation. The text argues that left-wing parties have failed by adopting economic liberalism and neglecting the working class, and suggests that only a return to egalitarian principles and a confrontation with the capitalist system can restore democratic legitimacy in Europe.

The EU-Turkey deal, implemented in March 2016, aimed to reduce irregular arrivals by establishing a 'one in, one out' resettlement formula for Syrian refugees. While the author notes the deal and accompanying border closures in Eastern and South Eastern Europe have successfully deterred arrivals, this has come at a high humanitarian cost. Refugees are now stranded in squalid conditions in Greece, Macedonia, and Serbia, or are forced onto more dangerous smuggling routes, including the Libya-Italy crossing. The author argues that the deal may undermine the international principle of 'non-refoulement' and that the EU's focus on deterrence has created a 'homemade humanitarian crisis'.

The document is a call to action by cleantech entrepreneurs and supporting organisations directed at COP21. It argues that viable solutions for decarbonisation already exist but are hindered by policy influence and capital allocation favouring the fossil fuel industry. The signatories demand a global shift to 100% renewable energy by 2050, the redirection of finance away from fossil fuels, and the implementation of science-based targets and carbon pricing.

The UN Sustainable Development Summit served to formally adopt the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development and affirm global commitment to its implementation. The analysis highlights the success of the Open Working Group's (OWG) inclusive negotiation process, specifically the 'troika' method, in building universal ownership of the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). While governments announced significant financial and environmental commitments—such as China's US$2 billion South-South cooperation fund and Panama's reforestation pledge—the document identifies critical gaps in the framework, specifically the need for finalized indicators, disaggregated data, and a detailed follow-up and review mechanism. Furthermore, the analysis emphasizes that the success of the SDGs is intrinsically linked to the outcomes of the Paris Climate Change Conference, noting that failure to meet climate objectives would jeopardize all SDGs.

The document argues that the EU must address the root causes of migration—such as poverty and armed conflict—rather than just symptoms. It proposes four main pillars: establishing a permanent European search and rescue operation to proactively save lives; increasing resettlement places and providing safe, legal access to the EU to bypass smugglers; safeguarding the right to spontaneous asylum applications at external borders while opposing the militarization of migration policy; and replacing the Dublin system with a solidarity-based responsibility-sharing mechanism for asylum seekers.

Benoît Lechat discusses the need to broaden the social appeal of ecological policies in Europe, critiquing the 'liberal-productivism' that dominates the EU and the 'ascetic' or 'expertocratic' image of Green parties. He analyzes the electoral stabilization of Green parties following the May 2014 European elections, noting gains in Sweden and Austria but declines in France and Belgium. Using the theories of Etienne Balibar, Alain Lipietz, and Ulrich Beck, Lechat argues that climate change must be treated as a strict social issue rather than a niche environmental one. He specifically reflects on the decline of the Belgian party Ecolo, attributing its loss of voters to problematic coalitions with the PS, mismanagement of photovoltaic green certificates, and resistance to wind energy development in Wallonia.

Benoit Lechat discusses the need to expand the social base of ecological politics in Europe, analyzing the 2014 European election results and the ideological barriers posed by neoliberalism and 'liberal productivism'.

The document outlines the critical role of rural women in economic growth and food security while highlighting the systemic barriers they face, including gender-based violence, lack of land rights, and limited access to education and technology. It argues that empowering rural women through legal reforms, capacity building, and strategic networking is essential for sustainable development and climate adaptation.

The 2014 European elections saw a significant rise in far-right and eurosceptic forces, particularly in France where the Front National achieved 25% of the vote. While the German Greens maintained a double-digit result, they lost three mandates. Across Europe, the Green faction became more regionally diverse with new representatives from countries like Spain, Hungary, and Croatia, though it lost influence due to the collapse of a progressive majority in the Parliament. The author argues that the Greens must counter the narrative of the EU as a neoliberal tool and push for an end to unilateral austerity policies to restore trust in European integration.

The 2014 European elections were characterized by a shift toward pan-European campaigning and a rise in anti-integrationist and nationalistic movements. While Green parties saw improved results across many member states, overall voter turnout remained low at 43 percent. The results suggest a more complex process for achieving political majorities in the Parliament and highlight a growing public debate over the future and role of the European Union.

The 2014 European elections were characterized by a shift toward European-wide campaigning and the increased importance of the European Parliament, though voter turnout remained low at 43%. The results showed a rise in nationalist and right-wing populist forces, particularly in northern countries, while left-wing parties gained in Southern Europe due to austerity policies. Green parties performed better than predicted, expanding their presence to at least 15 member states, including first-time successes in Hungary and Croatia. The author notes a lack of influence of foreign policy—specifically the Ukraine crisis—on the election and warns of the potential for the United Kingdom to leave the EU.

The report examines the financing of Nationally Appropriate Mitigation Actions (NAMAs), emphasizing the need to move beyond reliance on international public funding toward leveraging private capital. It defines 'bankability' as the attractiveness of a project to investors based on its revenue-generating potential and provides a framework for designing such projects. Through eight case studies from countries including Morocco, Tunisia, and the Philippines, the document illustrates the roles of public-private partnerships (PPPs), the importance of implementing bodies (such as Special Purpose Vehicles), and the necessity of risk mitigation tools like partial credit guarantees and power purchase agreements. The report concludes with recommendations for NAMA developers to engage the private sector early in the design process and for international stakeholders to disseminate best practices in private funding.

The author highlights the devastating floods in the Balkans and the collapse of the West Antarctic Ice Sheet as evidence of the urgent need for global societal and economic restructuring. Despite the solidarity shown during disasters, the author criticizes Balkan governments for continuing to build coal-fired power plants for export. The text calls for the elimination of fossil fuels, a reduction in energy consumption, and a move away from the current consumption-based economic model to ensure survival and sustainability.

The document analyzes National Councils for Sustainable Development (NCSDs) as mechanisms for stakeholder engagement in national sustainable development strategies (NSDSs). It categorizes NCSDs by membership—government-only, mixed, or non-governmental—and evaluates the strengths and challenges of each. The briefing identifies key success factors, such as the appointment of independent chairs and the maintenance of a 'critical friend' relationship with government, while detailing the core functions of NCSDs in strategy creation, policy implementation, monitoring, and international outreach.

The document examines how National Sustainable Development Councils (NCSDs) can support the transition from Millennium Development Goals to Sustainable Development Goals. Based on survey data from 12 countries, it identifies that while most nations have national sustainable development strategies, they face significant financial and structural barriers, including institutional resistance and poor data quality. The briefing highlights the advisory role of NCSDs and recommends a participatory approach, vertical alignment between government levels, and the strengthening of existing institutional frameworks to achieve national SDG targets.

A coalition of social movements and NGOs argues that the FAO's current forest definition is reductionist and primarily benefits industrial timber, pulp, paper, and rubber companies. The authors contend that by defining forests simply as land with a certain percentage of tree cover, the FAO erroneously classifies large-scale monoculture plantations as 'reforestation' and ignores the structural and cultural importance of forests to the 300 million people who depend on them for their livelihoods. The letter calls for a new, community-led definition process that recognizes the role of forests in food sovereignty and biological diversity.

The document argues that high debt costs in rapidly emerging economies can increase the cost of utility-scale wind and solar PV projects by 24-32%. It proposes two primary solutions: indexing renewable energy tariffs to foreign currencies to attract lower-cost international capital by mitigating currency hedging costs, and implementing government-backed concessional debt programs to reduce the total support required to make projects viable. The report provides detailed analysis of these mechanisms using India as a primary case study, suggesting that these interventions could lower the cost of renewable energy support by up to 30%.