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The 'science oath for the climate' is a pledge signed by nearly 600 scientists and engineers to act against catastrophic climate disruption. Signatories commit to communicating scientific evidence without compromise, resisting political or economic pragmatism when discussing the 1.5°C and 2°C Paris Agreement targets, and reducing their own carbon emissions. The document includes a comprehensive list of signatories from various global academic and professional institutions.

The 2020 Partnership Report details the collaboration between Royal Caribbean Group and WWF to reduce the cruise line's environmental footprint and support global ocean conservation. The partnership established measurable targets for greenhouse gas emissions, sustainable seafood and commodity procurement, and sustainable tourism. While the COVID-19 pandemic halted progress on several seafood targets, the company surpassed its goals for sustainable tour offerings and destination stewardship. Royal Caribbean achieved a 32.6% to 34.5% reduction in GHG intensity by 2019 and committed to a further 25% reduction by 2025. The report also highlights philanthropic support for WWF projects in the Arctic, Philippines, Australia, and other regions.

The author argues that EU enlargement in the Western Balkans has stalled due to a 'dull reality' where local leaders benefit from the status quo and the EU lacks the political will or understanding to enforce genuine rule of law. The Berlin Process is critiqued as a 'plan B' that prioritised technical compliance over substantive reform. The document highlights specific failures in Bosnia and Herzegovina, Montenegro, Serbia, North Macedonia, Kosovo, and Albania, while warning that an economic and strategic vacuum is being filled by China, Russia, Turkey, and the USA. It further expresses concern over Croatia's 2020 EU presidency given its nationalist tendencies and strained relations with neighbours.

The report examines the Investor-State Dispute Settlement (ISDS) system, describing it as a "parallel justice system" that privileges wealthy investors and multinational corporations over public interests. Through ten case studies across Europe, Africa, Asia, and Latin America, the document illustrates how ISDS is used to challenge environmental protections, public health measures, and land rights. It specifically criticizes the European Union's efforts to institutionalize the system through the Investment Court System (ICS) and a proposed Multilateral Investment Court, arguing these reforms do not address the fundamental imbalance of power. The report concludes that ISDS creates a "regulatory chill," where governments avoid passing progressive laws to avoid multi-billion dollar lawsuits, and calls for the complete dismantling of these "VIP courts."

The report examines the Investor-State Dispute Settlement (ISDS) system, detailing ten case studies where corporations used international arbitration to challenge national laws and court rulings related to environmental protection, public health, and indigenous rights. It argues that ISDS creates a 'regulatory chill' where governments avoid passing public interest laws to avoid astronomical fines. The document specifically critiques the European Union's proposed Investment Court System (ICS) and Multilateral Investment Court, claiming these reforms only address procedural issues while maintaining the substantive imbalance that privileges investors over sovereign states and human rights.

The report examines the systemic injustices of the investor-state dispute settlement (ISDS) regime, using ten case studies to demonstrate how corporations use international arbitration to bypass domestic courts and challenge public interest laws. It highlights the 'regulatory chill' effect, where the threat of multi-billion dollar lawsuits deters governments from implementing climate, health, and environmental protections. The document specifically criticises the European Union's proposed reforms, arguing that the Investment Court System (ICS) and the Multilateral Investment Court maintain the same substantive investor privileges that allow corporations to claim compensation for lost future profits and ignore human rights obligations.

ClientEarth's contribution to the European Commission's evaluation of food contact materials (FCM) rules highlights critical gaps in public health protection. The organization argues that the current lack of EU-wide harmonisation for 13 of the 17 listed FCM categories allows for inconsistent safety standards and a 'race to the bottom' due to the principle of mutual recognition. Furthermore, ClientEarth criticizes the current risk assessment model based on 'migration' limits, which allows hazardous chemicals like CMRs and EDCs to be used if exposure is deemed acceptable. They propose a 'cut-off' criterion—similar to that used in pesticides regulation—to completely prohibit these substances in FCM to better protect human health and incentivize safer innovation.

The analysis of draft NECPs reveals that the EU is set to miss its 2030 coal phase-out goals, with 11 Member States planning no phase-out and 60 GW of coal capacity projected to remain. The report highlights a disconnect where countries receiving EU just transition funding, such as Poland and Czechia, lack credible phase-out plans in their NECPs.

The report analyzes the legal landscape for RES prosumers and renewable energy communities (REComs) in the EU and nine Member States: Belgium/Flanders, Croatia, France, Germany, Italy, Portugal, Spain, the Netherlands, and the United Kingdom. It finds a significant gap between recent EU-level efforts to promote active citizen participation—such as the RED II and the draft recast Electricity Directive—and the diverse, often restrictive, national laws. While some countries like Germany and France have more advanced frameworks, others like Portugal and Belgium/Flanders face substantial regulatory barriers, including the lack of legal definitions for energy communities and restrictions on peer-to-peer energy sharing. The report concludes that EU legislation is likely to drive national policy changes toward more progressive, citizen-centered energy models.

The document analyzes the scale of plastic pollution in China, noting that China's 2017 plastic production was approximately 75 million tons. It details the EU's comprehensive approach, including the Waste Framework Directive and the Packaging and Packaging Waste Directive, which utilize Extended Producer Responsibility (EPR) to shift financial and operational burdens to producers. The paper highlights EU targets under 'Plastics 2030' to make all plastic packaging reusable or recyclable by 2030. It concludes by recommending that China upgrade its legal systems, adopt whole-process management from production to disposal, and cooperate with the EU on transboundary waste treatment and global governance.

The report identifies storage/cold storage, decentralized renewable energy, feeder roads, and irrigation as critical rural infrastructure for ending hunger. It argues that while these assets are essential for increasing agricultural productivity and farmer income, they face significant financing barriers due to high perceived risks and low population densities in rural areas. The authors propose a mix of donor aid, public spending, and private capital, utilizing innovative instruments such as availability payments, shadow tolls, blended finance, and viability gap funding to make these projects commercially viable and sustainable.

The Defenders in Development Campaign urges states and development finance institutions (DFIs) to integrate human rights protections into development projects, noting that defenders of land and environmental rights face extreme risks of violence and criminalization.

The report evaluates the impact of the APRM, EITI, and OGP, concluding that while these initiatives provide platforms for dialogue and some policy changes, there is little measurable evidence that they consistently drive significant governance reforms. It highlights the challenges of voluntary compliance, the risk of 'open-washing' by governments, and the critical but often tokenistic role of civil society. The document recommends that donors support civil society capacity, invest in impact research, and align funding with MSI action plans to better foster accountability and transparency.

The 'Zagreb is OURS!' platform, established in February 2017, secured four seats in the Zagreb city assembly and significant representation in district and neighbourhood councils by employing a grassroots, participative approach to policy-making and campaigning. The movement sought to challenge the long-term authoritarian rule of Mayor Milan Bandić and the neoliberal policies of the Croatian Left through a strategy of 'one foot in the institutions, the other on the streets.' Its programme focused on sustainability, equality, and participation, specifically proposing reforms for waste management, public transport, and the decentralisation of decision-making power to local councils.

The document advocates for a shift in the EU Energy Union's governance from a top-down administrative process to a participatory model. It specifically proposes 'Multi-Level Climate and Energy Dialogue Platforms' to integrate the expertise and actions of cities and regions into National Energy and Climate Plans (NECPs). The authors argue that current Commission proposals treat local actors as mere side stakeholders and suggest that permanent national structures, aligned with the Aarhus Convention, are necessary to achieve the EU's 2050 decarbonization goal. The briefing provides examples of successful local-national coordination in Ireland, Luxembourg, Croatia, France, and the Netherlands.

The summer of 2017 saw extreme heat across Southern Europe, including the 'Lucifer' heat wave in early August. World Weather Attribution analysis indicates that human-induced climate change significantly increased the likelihood of these events. A summer as hot as 2017 is now estimated to have a 1 in 10 annual chance in the Euro-Mediterranean region and is projected to become normal weather by the middle of the century under continued greenhouse gas emissions.

The document evaluates EU countries' positions on the Effort Sharing Regulation (ESR), which covers 60% of EU greenhouse gas emissions. Using a scoring system across five categories—starting point, land use loopholes, ETS surplus loopholes, governance, and ambition levels—it ranks Sweden as the leader and Poland as the lowest performer. The brief argues that most EU countries are pushing for loopholes that undermine the Paris Agreement, with the European Commission's own proposal scoring only 20 out of 100 points.

The EU Climate Leader Board ranks EU member states on their support for the Effort Sharing Regulation across five categories: starting point, ETS surplus loophole, land use loophole, governance, and ambition level. Sweden ranks highest with a score of 67, while Malta ranks lowest with a score of 2. The analysis concludes that no EU country is currently doing enough to make the regulation compatible with the Paris Agreement.

The WACC Strategic Plan 2017–2021 establishes a framework to promote 'communication for all' as a fundamental human right. The organization aims to support marginalized populations—specifically those denied communication rights based on gender, status, or identity—through advocacy, capacity-building, and the creation of global networks. Key initiatives include the Global Media Monitoring Project (GMMP), the development of a Communication Rights Index, and a campaign to end news media sexism by 2020. WACC aligns its goals with the UN 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development and the Paris Agreement, positioning communication as essential for achieving these global targets.

The author argues that the European radical right is moving toward becoming a dominant political force by utilizing a 'common political playbook' of delegitimizing institutions and reforming state architecture to maintain power. This movement is characterized by opposition to minorities, migration, European integration, and 'gender ideology', with Russia and Turkey serving as strategic reference points. To counter this, the author proposes a three-part Green strategy: exposing the hypocrisy and foreign ties of nationalist movements, 'Europeanising' the Green movement to coordinate support across borders, and addressing the root causes of radical right popularity by championing progressive cultural identities and combating neoliberal economic precarity.