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The report finds that most G20 and Eurosystem central banks lack credible sustainable investment policies for their non-policy portfolios, often relying on opacity or weak ESG criteria to mask continued support for fossil fuel companies. While the Banque de France is highlighted as a leader for its fossil fuel restrictions, the majority of analyzed banks either have no public SRI policy or use 'tricks' such as investing in green bonds without excluding major polluters. The document recommends that central banks adopt strict exclusion policies for coal and new fossil fuel projects to align with a 1.5°C warming trajectory.

The document provides evidence that major fossil-fuel companies had internal knowledge of anthropogenic climate change as early as the 1950s and 1960s, yet spent decades funding disinformation to manufacture public doubt. It details how these companies protected their own infrastructure from sea-level rise while publicly denying the science, and argues that current 'greenwashing' and 'carbon footprint' narratives continue this pattern of deception.

The document analyzes the EU's Carbon Border Adjustment Mechanism (CBAM) as a shift in climate policy toward trade and economic levers. It highlights the growth of carbon pricing globally, including the EU ETS and China's national ETS, and suggests that COP26 should be used to establish a 'green window' for preferential treatment of green goods and a mechanism to allocate CBAM revenues to vulnerable countries to ensure a just transition.

The Canadian Association of Physicians for the Environment (CAPE) calls for the next Canadian government to prioritize environmental health by reforming the Canadian Environmental Protection Act (CEPA) and reintroducing an improved version of Bill C-28. The organization highlights that air pollution causes nearly 15,000 premature deaths annually in Canada, with lower-income populations and marginalized groups disproportionately affected by toxic exposures. CAPE advocates for an unqualified right to a healthy environment, the prioritization of toxic substances of concern, and the cessation of all fiscal supports to the oil and gas sector by 2022.

The report argues that Reconnaissance Energy Africa Ltd. (ReconAfrica) shifted its public narrative from targeting unconventional shale resources to conventional ones after the Namibian government clarified that no fracking licenses had been granted. The authors claim that ReconAfrica removed references to 'shale' and 'unconventional' from its website, investor presentations, and personnel biographies while continuing to rely on resource estimates and a technical team specialized in unconventional plays, potentially violating Canadian securities laws on material disclosure.

The document provides a comprehensive guide to adaptation communications (ADCOMs), which are voluntary reports used by countries to share climate adaptation priorities and needs. It outlines the four primary goals of ADCOMs: increasing the visibility of adaptation, strengthening support for developing countries, providing data for the global stocktake, and enhancing global learning. The text details flexible submission methods—standalone, in conjunction with, or as a component of other documents like NDCs or NAPs—and lists optional content elements ranging from national circumstances to gender-responsive actions. Finally, it explains how countries can leverage existing NAP processes to develop their ADCOMs, even if a final NAP document is not yet complete.

The briefing analyzes Operation Warp Speed (OWS) to provide recommendations for strengthening the U.S. industrial base for medical countermeasures. It advocates for an 'ecosystem approach' that integrates platform technologies like mRNA, supports small innovative biotech companies, and maintains Advanced Development and Manufacturing (ADM) facilities. The authors propose establishing annual exercise programs to reduce development timelines and improving public-private partnerships to ensure the U.S. can design and approve vaccines within 100 days of detecting a pandemic threat.

The author contends that the extreme weather events of 2021 demonstrate that climate risk is transboundary and that current adaptation efforts are insufficient. The text argues for a shift from domestic to transboundary perspectives on risk, noting that adaptation goals under the Paris Agreement remain 'fuzzy' and lack operational mechanisms. It concludes that adaptation has limits and must be pursued in tandem with aggressive mitigation to avoid catastrophic costs and loss of life.

The report analyzes 75 green bonds totaling USD 75.9bn issued in H1 2021, finding that green bonds generally achieved higher book cover and greater spread compression than vanilla equivalents. It highlights a significant increase in allocations to green investors, reaching 66%, and provides evidence of a 'greenium' for 26 out of 33 non-sovereign bonds. Additionally, the report examines sovereign green bond issuance and concludes that green labels can enhance secondary market liquidity, particularly in the EUR utility sector.

The Three Seas Initiative (3SI) is criticized for prioritizing fossil gas infrastructure over renewable energy, which risks locking in emissions beyond 2050 and violating the EU's Climate Law. As of July 2021, fossil gas projects outnumber renewables in the 3SI database by more than two to one. Many of these gas projects are described as 'zombie projects'—outdated relics that have failed to attract financing or remain unutilized, such as the BRUA and Eastring pipelines. The document highlights that EU gas consumption must decline sharply to meet a 55% emissions reduction by 2030. While the 3SI Investment Fund (3SIIF) recently made its first energy investment in solar developer Enery Development, the briefing argues that significant political and financial shifts, including from the US, are needed to catalyze the region's renewable energy potential and align with the 'Fit for 55' package.

The briefing argues that as countries increase climate ambition and carbon pricing, border carbon adjustment (BCA) mechanisms are becoming inevitable to prevent carbon leakage. To avoid these tools becoming protectionist or causing trade disputes, the author proposes a framework of principles—such as prioritizing leakage protection over competitiveness and granting credit for foreign carbon prices—and best practices, including the use of international data standards. The document suggests the World Trade Organization (WTO) as the ideal multilateral forum for discussing these guidelines to provide a bulwark against national protectionist pressures.

The document explains that Adaptation Communications (ADCOMs) are voluntary reports under the Paris Agreement designed to synthesize a country's climate adaptation priorities, efforts, and needs. It outlines four primary goals: enhancing the visibility of adaptation relative to mitigation, strengthening support for developing countries, providing inputs for the global stocktake, and enhancing learning. Countries have flexibility in submission, choosing to provide ADCOMs as standalone documents, in conjunction with other reports, or as components of existing documents like NDCs or NAPs. The guide emphasizes that ADCOMs are country-driven and should not create additional burdens for developing nations, suggesting that countries can synthesize existing information from their NAP processes to meet submission goals, particularly for the 2023 global stocktake.

The document explains that Adaptation Communications (ADCOMs) are voluntary reports under the Paris Agreement designed to synthesize a country's climate adaptation priorities, needs, and lessons. It outlines four primary purposes: increasing the visibility of adaptation relative to mitigation, mobilizing support for developing countries, providing data for the Global Stocktake, and enhancing learning. The text details flexible submission methods—as standalone documents, linked to other reports, or as components of existing documents like NDCs or NAPs—and emphasizes that ADCOMs should not create additional burdens for developing nations. It also provides a detailed list of optional content elements and explains how countries can leverage their ongoing NAP processes to inform their ADCOMs.

The document explains that Adaptation Communications (ADCOMs) are optional reports under the Paris Agreement used by countries to share climate adaptation priorities, needs, and lessons. It outlines four main objectives: increasing attention to adaptation, strengthening support for developing countries, contributing to the Global Stocktake, and improving knowledge of adaptation measures. Countries can submit ADCOMs as standalone documents, jointly with other reports, or as components of existing documents like NDCs or NAPs to minimize administrative burdens. The text emphasizes that ADCOMs are country-driven, flexible, and not intended for direct comparison between parties.

The September 2021 Global Update by the Climate Action Tracker (CAT) finds that global climate action continues to lag behind the requirements for limiting warming to 1.5°C. While some countries have updated their NDCs, the 2030 emissions gap remains significant, estimated at 20 to 23 GtCO2e. The report introduces a new rating system that integrates targets, policies, and climate finance, revealing that only The Gambia is overall 1.5°C Paris Agreement compatible. Most net zero targets are rated as poor or incomplete, and developed countries are failing to provide sufficient international climate finance or implement policies that align with their fair share of global mitigation efforts.

The Climate Action Tracker (CAT) 2021 rating methodology employs a dual-framework approach, combining 'fair share' principles and 'modelled domestic pathways' to assess government climate action. It evaluates targets (domestic and international), implemented policies, and climate finance to determine an overall rating. The system distinguishes between developed countries, which are expected to provide finance and meet stringent domestic targets, and developing countries, which may require international support to achieve full decarbonisation. The methodology specifically excludes land use, land-use change, and forestry (LULUCF) from main ratings but flags them when they significantly impact a country's emissions profile.

The document critiques TotalEnergies' plan to issue Sustainability-Linked Bonds (SLBs), asserting that the company's climate targets and overall corporate strategy are misaligned with the Paris Agreement. It highlights flaws in the company's KPIs, specifically regarding scope 1, 2, and 3 emissions, and points to a projected 50% growth in hydrocarbon production by 2030 as evidence of a strategy at odds with climate science. The briefing concludes that these bonds serve as a marketing tool to secure funding for oil and gas expansion rather than a genuine mechanism for energy transition.

The policy brief outlines a framework of seven principles to manage the socio-economic disruptions caused by decarbonization. It argues that a transition perceived as fair is essential for effective global cooperation and the success of climate goals. The framework emphasizes that decarbonization must be accelerated while simultaneously implementing support for affected workers, diversifying regional economies, remedying environmental damage, and ensuring inclusive planning. Drawing on historical cases of industrial decline, the document warns against government inaction and the risk of 'carbon lock-in,' suggesting that international financial and technical support should prioritize regions with low capacity or high carbon dependency.

The report identifies critical transboundary climate risks in global agricultural trade, noting that a few major exporters like the US, Brazil, and China disproportionately transmit risk to dependent importers. It argues that traditional risk management, such as diversification, is insufficient against systemic climate shifts and calls for multilateral cooperation and system-level adaptation finance.

The G20, responsible for 75% of global GHG emissions, currently has commitments that put the world on a trajectory for 2.4°C of warming. While announced but non-formalized pledges could lower this to 2.1°C, only a comprehensive shift where all G20 members align with 1.5°C pathways and mid-century net zero targets could limit warming to 1.7°C. The report identifies a 23 GtCO2e emissions gap for 2030 and warns that many net zero pledges are unrealistic without significantly stronger near-term (2030) targets. Achieving the 1.5°C goal will require G20 leadership, action from non-G20 countries, and the fulfillment of climate finance commitments to developing nations.