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The World Resources Institute analysis finds that while existing federal and state tools can significantly reduce greenhouse gas emissions, even the most ambitious 'Go-Getter' scenario falls short of the U.S. Copenhagen pledge to reduce emissions 17 percent below 2005 levels by 2020. The report models three levels of regulatory ambition—Lackluster, Middle-of-the-Road, and Go-Getter—across key sectors including power plants, transportation, and industry. It concludes that additional legislative action is necessary to meet international climate targets and the long-term goal of 80 to 95 percent reductions by 2050.

The report examines the intersection of water scarcity and power generation in South and Southeast Asia, arguing that while regulatory protections have historically shielded shareholders, increasing water stress driven by climate change and demographic pressure creates material financial risks. It introduces a risk exposure framework based on business models, water dependency, and water security, and highlights that a significant portion of existing and planned capacity in the region is located in water-stressed areas.

The document analyzes the energy profiles, infrastructure, and security perspectives of Canada, the United States, and Mexico, highlighting their deep interdependence. It examines existing trilateral and bilateral cooperation frameworks, such as NAFTA and the U.S.-Canada Clean Energy Dialogue, and identifies potential trade irritants like border adjustments and low-carbon fuel standards. The author proposes three climate policy scenarios for 2020, concluding that a 'bottom-up' approach with increasing linkages between Canadian and U.S. cap-and-trade systems is the most likely outcome.

This briefing by the Environmental and Energy Study Institute (EESI) analyzes how U.S. state climate action plans incorporate land use, transportation, and green building policies as of July 2009.

Amory B. Lovins critiques Stewart Brand's advocacy for nuclear power, asserting that nuclear energy is economically uncompetitive and slower to deploy than decentralized renewables and efficiency measures. Lovins argues that nuclear power's high capital costs and financial risks make it a poor investment for climate protection, noting that it saves significantly less carbon per dollar and is deployed much slower than alternatives. He refutes claims regarding the necessity of 'baseload' power, the land-use footprint of renewables, and the need for a diverse energy portfolio that includes nuclear power, concluding that the technology's failure to attract private equity in the U.S. demonstrates its lack of market viability.

The report uses data from the National-Scale Air Toxics Assessment (NATA) and the Environmental Benefits Mapping and Analysis Program (BenMAP) to quantify the health burden of diesel PM2.5. It finds that offroad diesel sources generally cause more cases of premature mortality and higher economic costs than onroad sources. The analysis employs a variety of epidemiological studies to estimate endpoints ranging from adult mortality to childhood asthma exacerbations, applying EPA-standard unit values and income adjustments to determine the economic impact.

The report examines state-level climate strategies in the U.S., finding that while 42 of 50 states have taken formal action, land use reform—specifically 'smart growth'—is the least common component compared to transportation and green building policies. It provides detailed profiles of individual state efforts, including greenhouse gas reduction targets and participation in regional initiatives like the Western Climate Initiative and the Regional Greenhouse Gas Initiative.

The document outlines the job creation potential of the clean energy economy, citing that renewable energy (RE) and energy efficiency (EE) industries created over nine million jobs in the U.S. in 2007. It provides specific employment projections for various technologies, including wind, solar, bioenergy, and geothermal, across U.S. states and international markets such as Germany, Brazil, and India. The text also compares these figures to employment trends in the fossil fuel and nuclear sectors and details U.S. legislative efforts, such as the Green Jobs Act of 2007 and the American Recovery and Reinvestment Act of 2009, to support workforce training and clean energy deployment.

The document outlines a proposal to mandate the use of diesel emission reduction options on off-road equipment for federally funded transportation projects. It recommends that Congress allocate a significant portion of Congestion Mitigation and Air Quality (CMAQ) program funds to cover the costs of these requirements via change orders. The principles prioritize projects in PM2.5 nonattainment or maintenance areas and define specific eligible technologies, including exhaust controls, engine upgrades, repowers, and idle reduction technologies verified by the U.S. EPA or California Air Resources Board.

The analysis finds that retrofitting U.S. Class 8 trucks with DPFs provides significant near-term climate benefits by reducing black carbon, a potent warming agent. Using a 'best estimate' 20-year global warming potential (GWP20) of 2,200, the study calculates a net benefit of approximately 2,080 gCO2e per gallon of diesel fuel, even when assuming a conservative 2% fuel penalty. The report concludes that such retrofits are climate-beneficial as long as the fuel penalty remains below 22% (GWP20) or 7% (GWP100). A hypothetical rebuild rule retrofitting nearly one million trucks between 2012 and 2030 would result in a total CO2e reduction of 96 million metric tons (GWP20), equivalent to eliminating the annual emissions of 21 million cars.

The document examines the critical role of regional governments in implementing climate change mitigation and adaptation policies, noting that while national governments negotiate international targets, regions often hold the actual competencies for execution. It analyzes 23 regions, highlighting a variety of instruments such as carbon taxes, subsidies, and cap-and-trade systems. A detailed case study of the Basque Country's 'Basque Plan to Combat Climate Change 2008-2012' illustrates how a small, industrialised region can set specific targets for GHG emissions and carbon sinks while coordinating across multiple policy sectors.

The report argues that WTO rules provide sufficient flexibility for countries to implement bold climate measures and that the WTO should not be used as an excuse for policy inaction. It analyzes several policy tools, concluding that most are WTO-consistent if designed non-discriminatorily. Specifically, it finds that energy labels and minimum standards are generally permissible under the TBT Agreement and GATT, and that fuel efficiency standards are likely to meet 'necessity' requirements given the urgency of climate change. Border carbon adjustments are viewed as permissible in principle, though they risk contradicting the principle of 'common but differentiated responsibilities' by shifting burdens to developing nations. Green subsidies are also deemed largely compatible, provided they do not mandate the use of domestic products. The authors emphasize that the logic of trade expansion inherent in the WTO is fundamentally at odds with GHG reduction goals, suggesting that 'Kyoto-compliance' should take precedence over 'WTO-compliance'.

The document outlines a three-phase deployment of CSP in South Africa, targeting 100 GW of capacity by 2050 to save 3,850 Mt CO2-eq. It identifies critical barriers in technology, regulation, and infrastructure, specifically highlighting the need for grid expansion in the north-west and the operationalization of the Renewable Energy Feed-In Tariff (REFIT). The authors argue that international financial support is essential to overcome high investment costs and risk, proposing specific funding mechanisms for R&D and infrastructure.

The report examines the compatibility of various climate policies—including labelling, fuel efficiency standards, border carbon adjustments, and green subsidies—with WTO law. It concludes that WTO rules do not prevent countries from taking immediate action to combat climate change, provided the measures are properly designed and non-discriminatory. The authors argue against using the WTO as an excuse for policy inaction and suggest that 'Kyoto-compliance' should take priority over 'WTO-compliance' in global governance.

Concentrated solar power (CSP) uses mirrors to focus sunlight to generate electricity, primarily for utility-scale use. While the U.S. led in installed capacity as of 2009 with 429 MW, Spain followed with 182 MW. The technology varies from parabolic troughs and linear Fresnel reflectors to dish/engines and power towers. CSP is noted for its ability to provide power during peak late-afternoon demand and its potential for baseload generation via thermal storage or natural gas hybridization. Economic challenges include high initial construction costs, though operational costs are lower than fossil fuel plants. Policy mechanisms like feed-in tariffs in Spain and Israel, and investment tax credits in the U.S., are identified as key drivers for deployment.

The document analyzes how a U.S. federal cap-and-trade system can address 'early action'—emissions reductions occurring before the program's start. It argues that awarding credits from 'under the cap' preserves environmental integrity, whereas credits 'above the cap' risk inflating permissible emissions. The paper details the challenges of verifying reductions for voluntary direct, indirect, and offset actors, particularly regarding additionality and leakage. It also proposes mechanisms for transitioning existing regional programs, such as the Regional Greenhouse Gas Initiative (RGGI), into a federal system using dollar-for-dollar allowance exchanges to prevent price volatility.

The document defines carbon pricing as a market-based strategy to internalize the costs of climate impacts, driving a shift toward a clean energy economy. It details two primary mechanisms: cap-and-trade, which limits total emissions through tradable allowances, and carbon taxes, which set a fixed fee per ton of carbon. The text emphasizes that while both can effectively reduce emissions, they require complementary policies and careful design to address equity concerns, such as the regressive impact on low-income households and the economic transition for fossil-fuel-dependent communities. It highlights existing examples like the EU-ETS and RGGI, and suggests that revenues from these programs can be used for rebates, clean energy investment, or deficit reduction.

The briefing argues that municipal solid waste (MSW) is an underutilized renewable energy resource that can reduce greenhouse gas emissions and landfill reliance. It details five primary conversion technologies—landfill gas capture, combustion, pyrolysis, gasification, and plasma arc gasification—noting that while landfill gas is widely accepted, others face technical or regulatory hurdles. The text highlights that modern waste-to-energy facilities have significantly reduced toxic emissions and can complement recycling by recovering metals. However, it notes that MSW-to-energy receives substantially lower federal subsidies than other energy sources, which hinders commercial expansion.

The document argues that capturing biogas—primarily methane—from organic waste sources is a cost-effective method to mitigate climate change and displace fossil fuels. It details the technical and economic viability of landfill gas (LFG) projects, wastewater treatment anaerobic digestion, and agricultural manure digesters, while identifying policy barriers such as high capital costs and grid interconnection issues.

AB 32 mandates that California reduce its global warming pollution to 1990 levels by 2020 and further to 80 percent below 1990 levels by 2050. The law establishes a mandatory reporting system for large emitters and directs the California Air Resources Board (CARB) to implement a combination of regulations and a market-based cap-and-trade program to achieve these targets.