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The paper examines the JinFei ETCZ in Mauritius as an anomaly in China's African investment strategy, which usually targets large markets or resource-rich countries. It argues that the project was realized through the proactive agency of the Mauritian government, which leveraged its stable 'soft infrastructure' and strategic location to position the island as a business platform between Asia and Africa. Despite initial delays due to land disputes and the 2008 financial crisis, the project was rescued by high-level Chinese political intervention and the entry of large state-owned enterprises from Shanxi Province, shifting the zone's focus from light manufacturing to services, real estate, and logistics.

The report examines electricity security in Southern Africa and South America, highlighting the heavy reliance of South Africa on coal and Brazil's dependence on hydropower. It argues that while both regions have vast renewable energy potential, adoption is hindered by technological lock-in, risk-averse financing, and restrictive government policies. The document advocates for regional energy integration and policy reforms to diversify energy mixes and improve sustainability.

The report examines South Africa's entry into the BRICS, contrasting it with the IBSA forum. It highlights that while membership offers symbolic recognition and a platform to advance African priorities, economic benefits are not automatic due to market barriers in other BRICS nations and competition for African markets. The text notes that BRICS is an informal dialogue forum rather than a formal alliance, with varying degrees of congruence on issues like climate change and global trade.

The Southern African Customs Union (SACU) is facing a crisis driven by disagreements over Economic Partnership Agreement (EPA) negotiations with the EU and a shrinking revenue pool. While member states agree the 2002 SACU Agreement has not been fully implemented, they are divided on whether the organisation should be deepened into a common market or downgraded to a Free Trade Area (FTA). South Africa's dominance and its desire to shift toward 'production-led' regional integration further complicate the union's stability.

The workshop examined how global financial regulatory shifts following the 2008 crisis affect Southern Africa. While South Africa dominates the regional financial services market, the adoption of Basel III—driven by South Africa's G20 membership—may create new barriers to trade by increasing capital requirements for riskier assets, potentially reducing funding for infrastructure and cross-border lending in the region. Discussants highlighted regulatory failures at national, governance, and global levels, noting that while some reforms are irrelevant to smaller SADC nations, the dominance of South African banks ensures these global standards are transmitted regionally. The report suggests that SADC countries face significant capacity gaps in macro-prudential supervision and non-bank regulation, proposing regional cooperation or a common regulator as a viable alternative to individual national efforts.

The document argues that Zimbabwe is not ready for elections due to a lack of a new constitution, financial constraints, and ongoing political instability within the Government of National Unity (GNU). It highlights that the security forces remain under Zanu-PF control and that essential reforms in media laws and human rights have not progressed, risking a return to the violence seen in 2008.

The Southern African Customs Union (SACU) faces existential threats driven by internal dissonance over revenue distribution and trade agreements. South Africa currently provides significant fiscal subsidies to Botswana, Lesotho, Namibia, and Swaziland (BLNS) through a revenue pool that is deemed unsustainable and procyclical. Tensions are further exacerbated by the interim Economic Partnership Agreements (IEPAs) signed by Botswana, Lesotho, and Swaziland, which South Africa and Namibia refuse to sign. The author argues that the dissolution of the customs union could occur if these trade differences are not resolved, potentially leading to the economic collapse of Lesotho and Swaziland. To ensure stability, the document proposes a regional development agenda and the creation of a development fund to reduce BLNS dependence on the revenue pool and preserve the common external tariff.

The document outlines the strategic outlook for the Southern African Customs Union (SACU), identifying critical drivers such as the Economic Partnership Agreement (EPA) negotiations and the stability of the revenue-sharing pool. It proposes four scenarios: 'Laduma!' (deepened integration), 'Own Goal' (fracture but continued financial support), 'Red Card' (collapse and financial withdrawal), and 'Wild Card' (deepened integration despite reduced financial transfers).

The report argues that the 2006–2008 global food crisis was a spike in a long-term trend of food insecurity in Southern Africa. It highlights the Comprehensive African Agricultural Development Program (CAADP) as the primary framework for coordinated regional responses, emphasizing long-term structural improvements over short-term reactionary measures. The analysis covers specific SADC and COMESA initiatives, the role of strategic grain reserves, and the impact of international trade subsidies on African agricultural productivity.

The report examines the hydrological constraints and governance regimes of transboundary river basins in the SADC region, arguing that while water is not a primary driver of conflict, robust institutional frameworks and policy harmonisation are essential for economic growth. It highlights the role of the SADC Water Protocol and the evolution of basin-specific regimes, proposing 'Parallel National Action' as a mechanism to align national policies without eroding state sovereignty.

The paper critiques South Africa's first APRM Implementation Report for failing to distinguish between general post-apartheid achievements and specific progress made under the APRM National Programme of Action. It identifies significant gaps in reporting on corruption, xenophobia, and corporate governance, while noting that the report was likely rushed and lacks self-criticism. The author suggests that the South African government viewed the APRM as an external diplomatic requirement rather than a domestic tool for governance improvement.

The document examines the complex relationship between protected areas and conflict, noting that conservation efforts can either fuel social tensions or be exploited by military groups. It specifically analyzes transboundary protected areas (TBPAs), which are often established in conflict-prone regions with the intent of promoting peace, but may introduce complexities related to national sovereignty and border inequities. The authors propose the use of Peace and Conflict Impact Assessments (PCIAs)—tools derived from the humanitarian sector—to systematically evaluate how conservation interventions affect local and regional peace dynamics. The paper concludes that because TBPAs are often self-described as peacebuilding projects, they require rigorous, ground-tested measurement tools like PCIAs to ensure they 'do no harm' and actually support stability.

The report examines South Africa's energy security, highlighting a critical over-reliance on coal-fired power generated by the state utility Eskom. It argues that this dependency creates a conflict with the country's climate mitigation goals and international commitments. The author identifies structural and institutional barriers—specifically Eskom's market dominance and a lack of coordinated government policy—that hinder the adoption of renewable energy. The report suggests that South Africa must shift from a 'business as usual' fossil-fuel path toward a 'business unusual' approach, leveraging regional hydroelectric and gas potential within the Southern African Power Pool (SAPP) to ensure a sustainable and secure energy future.

The report examines energy security in Southern Africa, focusing on the need to expand electricity generation capacity and diversify away from coal. It identifies the Southern African Power Pool (SAPP) as a key mechanism for regional cooperation to exploit vast hydropower potential in countries like the Democratic Republic of the Congo and Mozambique. However, the report notes that urgent short-term power shortages often lead countries, especially South Africa, to rely on quicker, coal-fired solutions, creating a 'lock-in' effect. It argues that for SAPP to succeed, the region must overcome significant regulatory risks, high upfront capital costs for hydropower, and a lack of cost-reflective pricing in national utilities.

The report examines the barriers and opportunities for implementing life cycle costing (LCC) in sustainable public procurement (SPP). It finds that while LCC is used in some industrialized nations, its application is often non-systematic and hindered by conflicting capital and revenue budgets, a lack of procurer expertise, and data gaps. The authors argue that LCC should be integrated into high-level public expenditure policy to shift the procurement mindset from 'best value for money' at purchase to 'best value across the asset life cycle.'

The document analyzes three generations of unconstitutional power shifts in Africa, from post-independence coups to modern manipulations of term limits and 'models' of military intervention. It argues that while Regional Economic Communities (RECs) like ECOWAS and SADC have the potential to mitigate these trends through sanctions and democratic protocols, their effectiveness is hindered by state sovereignty, inconsistent implementation of laws, and the influence of powerful regional leaders who support usurpers. The authors recommend that RECs focus on root causes—such as socioeconomic stagnation and weak institutions—and encourage the ratification of the AU Charter on Democracy, Elections and Governance.

The document examines the risks of 'TRIPS-plus' intellectual property standards being imposed on SADC countries through EPAs, using the CARIFORUM EPA as a model. It highlights concerns regarding digital copyright, geographical indications, and stringent enforcement mechanisms that may hinder development and public access to knowledge.

The report examines the transition of Zimbabwe's government following the 2008 electoral crisis and the subsequent formation of an Inclusive Government (IG) under the Global Political Agreement (GPA). While the IG achieved early economic successes, including taming hyperinflation and securing international aid, it faced significant political deadlock. Key obstacles include the lack of security sector reform, disputes over unilateral political appointments, and disagreements over the constitution-making process. The author argues that the GPA's general nature allows ZANU-PF to maintain power centres and block reforms, suggesting that international support should be targeted toward progressive ministries to legitimise change.

The document examines the crisis facing higher education in Africa, characterized by overcrowding and resource scarcity, and argues that governance education is neglected in favor of technical training. It presents findings from a 2008-2009 study of eight universities, highlighting severe constraints in staffing, funding, and infrastructure. The author proposes regional cooperation and the use of ICT to overcome these barriers and better align university output with the goals of the African Union and the African Peer Review Mechanism.

The document examines China's role in Botswana's infrastructure development, noting a shift from government-led aid to competitive public tenders. It highlights the competitive advantages of Chinese firms—such as low-cost bidding and hands-on management—while addressing challenges regarding quality standards and skilled labour shortages. It also introduces a new commercial financing model involving the Industrial and Commercial Bank of China and Standard Bank for the Morupule B Power Station project.