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The document argues that conflict-related sexual violence is not inevitable, as evidenced by armed groups that successfully prohibit it. It identifies causes of such violence—ranging from opportunistic gratification to strategic instrumental use—and proposes six primary avenues for prevention: changing social and military norms, creating safer physical spaces, improving reporting mechanisms, ending impunity, ensuring commander accountability, and integrating prevention into post-war DDR processes.

The policy brief contends that international efforts to combat sexual violence in war have focused excessively on victim protection and criminal prosecution, leaving the motivations of perpetrators largely unexamined. To move toward effective prevention, the author proposes three focused approaches: analyzing individual personality traits during military recruitment, holding military leadership accountable to dismantle the perception that sexual violence is a permissible wartime activity, and challenging militarized masculinities that may justify such crimes. The document emphasizes that understanding the intersection of personal traits and the coercive environment of war is essential for identifying preventive remedies.

The report details the outcomes of a conference on the legacy of wartime rape, emphasizing that sexual violence in conflict is a complex societal issue affecting victims, families, and communities. It identifies significant gaps in research regarding perpetrators and the long-term life histories of victims and children born of war. The document advocates for a holistic, multidisciplinary approach to support, the development of international guidelines for the rights of victims, and increased political pressure to prosecute perpetrators.

The report details a two-day conference in Nairobi focused on the integration of the private security sector into African peacekeeping. It examines the shift from 'combat' roles to 'non-core' military functions, the tension between state monopolies on force and the efficiency of private contractors, and the urgent need for binding international regulatory frameworks to replace non-binding guidelines like the Montreux Document.

The report traces the conceptual shift of sexual violence in conflict, moving from the 'lootpillageandrape' nexus of early 20th-century wars to the systematic 'rape camps' of the 1990s. It examines the role of the Bosnian and Rwandan genocides in establishing rape as a weapon of war and a crime against humanity. The document analyzes three theoretical frameworks—essentialism, structuralism, and social constructionism—to explain the motivations of perpetrators and the targeting of victims. It further details the development of international legal mechanisms, including the ICTY, ICTR, and the ICC, and the impact of UN Security Council Resolutions 1325, 1820, and 1888 on the protection of women and the institutionalization of gender units in peacekeeping missions.

The document examines the complex relationship between protected areas and conflict, noting that conservation efforts can either fuel social tensions or be exploited by military groups. It specifically analyzes transboundary protected areas (TBPAs), which are often established in conflict-prone regions with the intent of promoting peace, but may introduce complexities related to national sovereignty and border inequities. The authors propose the use of Peace and Conflict Impact Assessments (PCIAs)—tools derived from the humanitarian sector—to systematically evaluate how conservation interventions affect local and regional peace dynamics. The paper concludes that because TBPAs are often self-described as peacebuilding projects, they require rigorous, ground-tested measurement tools like PCIAs to ensure they 'do no harm' and actually support stability.

The report examines the remittance landscape for immigrants in Norway, comparing 42 services across 21 mechanisms, including banks, money transfer operators (MTOs), and informal hawala systems. It highlights a restrictive regulatory environment that often drives users toward illegal services, particularly for transfers to Somalia and Iraq. The analysis reveals that real costs are often hidden through exchange rate spreads, with typical costs for NOK 1,000 transfers ranging from 5% to 25%. While bank transfers can be cheaper for larger amounts, they are often slower and less predictable than MTOs. The report argues that improving financial literacy and regularizing informal services could enhance the development impact of remittances and improve immigrant integration.

The policy brief examines the tension between peace and justice in the context of war terminations, specifically analyzing the role of the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY). It argues that the ICTY's early lack of effectiveness was due to a lack of political will, as it was initially used as a 'public relations devise' to avoid military action. However, the author contends that resolute justice serves as a deterrent to war criminals, incapacitates political actors through isolation, and consolidates peace by preventing future cycles of violence. The text highlights that when peace processes prioritize impunity, they incentivize the accumulation of power over the cessation of atrocities.

The policy brief examines the transition of mine action from international management to national authority, focusing on the roles of government, civil society, and capacity building. Through case studies of Mozambique, Bosnia and Herzegovina, and Afghanistan, it argues that national ownership is often hindered by donor-driven funding, a lack of early accurate data, and weak institutional structures. The document concludes that there is no universal recipe for ownership and recommends flexible, coordinated strategies that prioritize local capacity mapping and strategic national planning over rapid operational deployment.

The document examines the 'political architecture' of liberal peacebuilding, which seeks to establish liberal market democracies in post-conflict states. It argues that while this approach is dominant in international politics, it faces significant legitimacy challenges. Communitarians argue it imposes external Western values over local cultures; critical theorists contend it reinforces a hegemonic and unjust global order; and postmodernists critique its reliance on technocratic 'social engineering.' The author proposes alternative frameworks, such as 'building the capacity for peaceful self-governance' and 'dialogic peacebuilding,' to reconcile liberal ideals with local autonomy and global justice.

The article analyzes post-conflict institution-building in Bosnia, Kosovo, Afghanistan, and Iraq, finding that an 'assumption of intransigence' led to the institutionalization of ethnicity, which has hindered peacebuilding. It argues for flexible institutional designs based on in-depth conflict assessments to de-ethnicize politics and ensure inclusivity.

The document examines religion as a multifaceted phenomenon—comprising normative systems, identities, and organisational structures—and evaluates its dual potential to both fuel and resolve armed conflict. It argues that while religion is rarely the sole cause of war, it often perpetuates conflict by hardening identity boundaries. The authors propose a typology of peace brokerage (Liaison, Representative, and Coordinator) and emphasize that successful peacemaking requires 'religious awareness,' including the use of a 'Language of the Second Order' to transcend confessional boundaries. The paper concludes that religious actors are particularly suited for Track-Two diplomacy due to their grassroots and international networks, but warns that excluding religiously identified parties from formal processes can create 'spoiler groups.'

The report identifies a significant gap between high-level policy and project-level implementation in peacebuilding efforts by the U4 governments. It recommends shifting impact assessment from individual projects to a strategic level and adopting formal frameworks for both general and case-specific intervention strategies.

The report examines the intended and unintended gendered consequences of three international interventions: the UN Mission in Eritrea/Ethiopia (UNMEE), the NATO Stabilization Force in Bosnia and Herzegovina (SFOR), and the Temporary International Presence in Hebron (TIPH). It identifies significant gaps between UN norms—such as Resolution 1325—and field realities, highlighting issues like increased prostitution in Eritrea, the failure to treat sexual violence as a security threat in Bosnia, and the need for gender-sensitive training in Hebron. The authors argue that gender mainstreaming is often treated as a 'soft' issue rather than a rational security necessity and recommend that Norway lead efforts in creating gender-aware recruitment databases and a Nordic-Canadian lobby to promote these goals within the UN system.

The document examines the controversy surrounding the shipment of genetically modified organisms (GMOs) as food aid, particularly in Southern Africa, Latin America, and Asia. It argues that the US government and agencies like USAID and the WFP have pressured developing nations to accept GM food aid, often presenting a false choice between GMOs and starvation. The report details case studies where GM ingredients were found in aid shipments despite national bans or lack of labeling, such as in Ecuador, Bolivia, and India. It further contends that GM crops are not a solution to hunger, which is instead caused by poverty, debt, and Western agricultural subsidies. The report advocates for a shift toward sustainable agriculture, local food procurement, and the application of the precautionary principle regarding GMOs.

The report finds that Sida's support for Humanitarian Mine Action (HMA) has been fragmented and ad hoc, heavily prioritizing mine clearance (85% of funding) over other essential components like impact assessment and survey. While Sida has been a major global donor, its funding trended downward after 1998. The evaluation highlights a 'quiet revolution' in HMA, shifting from output-based measures (mines removed) to impact-based measures (societal effect), and argues that Sida must institutionalize impact assessment to ensure sustainable, development-oriented assistance. It analyzes various implementation channels, noting that NGOs are flexible and innovative but struggle with long-term sustainability, while government/military channels offer better sustainability but may lack humanitarian sensitivity. The report also critiques Sida's R&D and technical initiatives, such as the Mine Detection Dog project in Cambodia, for failing to base needs on local stakeholders and lacking sustainability.

The document provides a comprehensive framework for Peace Support Operations (PSOs), distinguishing between peacekeeping and peace enforcement. It emphasizes the necessity of a political mandate, the role of impartiality, and the strategic use of both 'carrots' (consent-promoting techniques) and 'sticks' (coercion). The manual details the roles of international bodies like the UN and OAU, the importance of civil-military coordination, and the specific capabilities of joint forces (land, air, and sea) in stabilizing conflict zones to facilitate a self-sustaining peace.

The report examines the shift in international norms where state sovereignty is increasingly balanced against the protection of human rights. It analyzes the rise of 'neo-interventionism' in Africa, the transition of NATO from a defensive alliance to a regional security actor in the Balkans, and the persistence of stubborn states like Iraq and Algeria that resist external interference. The authors argue that while the non-intervention norm has weakened, interventions must be grounded in specific case-by-case duties and multilateral authorization to avoid the abuse of power.

The report examines how gender structures the conduct and experience of armed conflict, noting that men typically define the parameters of war and are more likely to be killed in combat, while women are more frequently victims of sexual violence. It critiques essentialist views of gender—which see masculinity as inherently aggressive and femininity as inherently peaceful—and instead advocates for a constructionist approach that recognizes gender identities as socially formed and changeable. The document highlights the need for a 'critical mass' of women (approximately 30%) in political decision-making to qualitatively shift political culture toward more cooperative and 'soft' value-based approaches. It concludes with recommendations for the United Nations and member states to mainstream gender in peace-keeping, humanitarian aid, and the prosecution of gender-specific war crimes, such as systematic rape.

The document analyzes the transition from traditional peacekeeping to multifunctional peace support operations (MPSOs) in the post-Cold War era. It highlights the confusion between peacekeeping, peace enforcement, and enforcement, and argues that the failure of many 1990s missions stemmed from a lack of clear authority, poor civil-military coordination, and the application of 'old scripts' to complex intra-state conflicts. The authors propose a reversal of operational tasking—starting with peace enforcement to establish a secure environment before transitioning to peacekeeping—and emphasize the need for specialized training and robust information gathering.