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COP30 achieved agreements to triple adaptation finance and launch the Tropical Forest Forever Facility, but failed to formally establish roadmaps for transitioning away from fossil fuels and halting deforestation due to lobbying from petrostates. The summit saw record participation from Indigenous Peoples and significant commitments from 14,000 local governments to reduce emissions.

The document details the three main priorities for COP30 in Belém: closing the ambition gap for 2035 Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs) to limit warming to 1.5ºC, mobilizing $1.3 trillion annually for developing countries by 2035, and concluding the global adaptation indicators program. It also highlights the launch of the Tropical Forest Forever Fund (TFFF) led by Brazil to protect forests through innovative financing, and a broader global action agenda focusing on renewable energy, just transition, and urban resilience.

The document outlines three critical areas for action at COP 30 to ensure the global transition away from fossil fuels remains viable: phasing out fossil fuel subsidies and public finance, closing the ambition gap in Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs), and evolving the Just Transition Work Programme (JTWP) into a practical support mechanism. It highlights a significant gap between current production plans and the 1.5°C target, noting that current plans would see fossil fuel extraction increase by over 120% by 2030. The briefing also emphasizes the need for gender-responsive approaches to ensure the energy transition is inclusive and equitable.

The document asserts that Canada is falling behind its 2030 and 2035 emissions targets and should utilize Internationally Transferred Mitigation Outcomes (ITMOs) to achieve cost-effective reductions. It suggests that Canada can leverage its strengths in methane detection, clean electricity, and carbon removal technologies to create bilateral agreements, similar to Japan's Joint Crediting Mechanism (JCM). The report warns that simple liquefied natural gas (LNG) export deals are unlikely to meet strict Article 6 additionality requirements and recommends establishing a national coordination mechanism to integrate climate finance with trade and sustainable development goals in the Global South.

The document assesses Canada's current emissions trajectory and proposes the adoption of a structured ITMO framework, modeled after Japan's Joint Crediting Mechanism, to help Canada meet its 2030 and 2035 climate targets while promoting its clean-tech sector globally.

The report evaluates the Article 6 carbon market rules finalized at COP29. It finds that Article 6.2 provides a weak, decentralized framework with significant loopholes in additionality, permanence, and accountability. Article 6.4 is rated more robust due to its centralized Supervisory Body and structured transparency, though it still lacks sufficient safeguards for land rights and permanence. The author argues that the current framework is not robust enough to ensure high-quality carbon credits and warns developed countries against using these markets to meet their NDCs.

Russia used COP29 to promote fossil fuels and present revised GHG emission data based on a 'sovereign methodology' that claims a 34% reduction in emissions through forest carbon absorption. The document highlights that Russia's 'climate projects' are inconsistent with Paris Agreement standards on additionality and transparency, often serving to prolong fossil fuel use. Despite these issues, Russia has begun selling carbon credits to foreign buyers, such as the Arab Investment Fund, and seeks to expand these practices through BRICS+ and other business associations.

The document examines the waste management crisis in Africa, specifically focusing on the release of methane and black carbon from open burning and poor landfill practices. It highlights the disproportionate health risks to women and children and the marginalization of informal waste workers. The paper advocates for transitioning to a circular economy and implementing strategies such as composting, anaerobic digestion, and gas capture systems to mitigate greenhouse gas emissions and unlock economic value.

The report argues that COP29 failed to advance human rights-based climate action, citing a weak new climate finance goal, the operationalization of flawed carbon markets, and a restrictive civic environment in the host country. It highlights the removal of references to the right to a healthy environment and the lack of progress on just transition and gender justice, calling for stronger legal obligations and human rights safeguards in future UNFCCC processes.

The We Mean Business Coalition describes the COP29 finance deal as insufficient, noting that the $300bn figure falls short of developing countries' needs. While the coalition views the 'Baku to Belém Roadmap' as a positive step for scaling public finance, it argues that the final agreement missed a leadership opportunity by omitting specific language on transitioning from fossil fuels. The coalition highlights that the global market for clean technologies is projected to exceed $2 trillion by 2035 and calls for 1.5°C-aligned Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs) to mobilize private investment.

COP 29 concluded with a new climate finance goal of at least USD 300 billion per year by 2035 for developing countries, though this remains below their identified needs. The conference saw a lack of progress on the COP 28 energy package, including the rejection of proposals for annual progress reports on transitioning away from fossil fuels and a failure to reiterate calls to phase out fossil fuel subsidies. While the national adaptation plan (NAP) assessment was delayed to 2025, agreements were reached on indicators for the UAE Framework for Global Climate Resilience and the establishment of the Baku Adaptation Road Map. Additionally, the Lima work programme on gender was extended by 10 years, but the document notes a failure to explicitly address human rights and gender-responsive finance in the New Collective Quantified Goal (NCQG) decision.

The World Resources Institute describes the COP29 agreement to deliver at least $300 billion per year by 2035 as an important but insufficient 'downpayment' for developing countries. While the deal triples current finance flows and establishes a roadmap to reach $1.3 trillion from all sources, the WRI emphasizes that this amount does not meet the actual needs of vulnerable nations to pursue low-carbon economies and manage climate disasters.

The We Mean Business Coalition urges G20 leaders to lead the global response to the climate crisis by delivering on COP28 agreements, specifically through the submission of sector-specific, 1.5°C-aligned NDCs and the mobilization of climate finance to catalyze private investment in developing economies.

The document is an open letter calling on governments to combat climate disinformation, which it argues undermines public understanding and delays urgent climate action. It specifically demands that governments hold media, advertising technology, and tech companies accountable by encouraging them to adopt a universal definition of climate disinformation, increase transparency, and stop the monetization of false content. The signatories advocate for the adoption of the UN's Global Principles for Information Integrity to foster a healthier online environment and support the goals of the Paris Agreement and IPCC scientific consensus.

The document argues that climate disinformation, driven by vested interests and enabled by big tech, undermines global climate negotiations and public safety. It urges governments to adopt the UN's Global Principles For Information Integrity and pressure social media, advertising, and publishing companies to recognize the threat, adopt a universal definition of climate disinformation, and implement transparent plans to stop its spread.

The document outlines the key priorities for COP29, emphasizing the establishment of the New Collective Quantified Goal (NCQG) for climate finance and the operationalization of the Loss and Damage Fund. It highlights the need for intensified Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs) before the 2025 deadline and the advancement of the Global Goal on Adaptation (GGA) and Biennial Transparency Reports (BTRs). Additionally, it identifies the importance of nature-based solutions, the operationalization of Article 6 regarding carbon markets, and the need to address transboundary climate risks and socioeconomic disparities in adaptation, all within a complex geopolitical landscape influenced by Azerbaijan's fossil fuel economy.

The UK government has committed to reducing carbon emissions by 81% from 1990 levels by 2035, aligning with recommendations from the Climate Change Committee. While this ambitious Nationally Determined Contribution (NDC) signals global leadership at COP29, the author emphasizes that achieving these targets requires active public consent and a dedicated engagement plan to support the rollout of renewable energy and clean power by 2030.

The Saint-Louis Declaration, issued by the African Activists for Climate Justice (AACJ) Senegal consortium, calls for the integration of climate justice into Senegal's environmental policies. It highlights the extreme vulnerability of the Saint-Louis region and demands simplified access to green funds, the operationalization of the loss and damage fund at COP29, and increased support for climate-resilient agriculture and renewable energy in rural areas.

The We Mean Business Coalition calls on G20 and COP29 leaders to establish a new collective quantified goal (NCQG) for climate finance and ensure 2035 nationally determined contributions (NDCs) are 'investible' through sector-specific targets and clear regulations. The coalition emphasizes that targeted public finance is essential to de-risk projects and unlock private investment, particularly in low- and middle-income countries, while noting that 260 businesses representing over $1.6 trillion are urging a fossil fuel phase-out.

The briefing provides a comprehensive table of condensed negotiation options for the NCQG, covering its preamble, quantitative and qualitative structure, temporal scope, contributor base, and transparency arrangements. It synthesizes submissions from various Parties and groups to streamline the decision-making process for the CMA6.