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The briefing provides a comprehensive table of condensed negotiation options for the NCQG, covering its preamble, quantitative and qualitative structure, temporal scope, contributor base, and transparency arrangements. It synthesizes submissions from various Parties and groups to streamline the decision-making process for the CMA6.

The IAI Executive Directorate is implementing CoP-32 mandates by strengthening scientific communication, developing digital monitoring systems for its Strategic Plan, and establishing partnerships with institutions like CR2, FAPESC, and STRI. Key initiatives include the 'Tropical Forests' Collaborative Research Action (CRA), the 'Climate, Environment and Health' (CEH) program, and the creation of the Center for Science Diplomacy. The Directorate is also advancing gender, equity, diversity, and inclusion (GEDI) policies and establishing advisory committees for indigenous peoples and local communities.

The briefing highlights three priority areas for the 79th UN General Assembly and Climate Week: the High-Level Meeting on Sea-Level Rise, climate finance negotiations, and the Summit of the Future. It emphasizes the security implications of sea-level rise for Pacific Island states, the critical funding gap for developing nations facing debt crises, and the potential for the 'Pact for the Future' to address the climate-security nexus in UN peace operations.

The document examines how preferential trade agreements (PTAs) can be designed to accelerate the green transition and influence WTO policy. It identifies three key areas for climate-focused provisions—fossil fuel subsidies, environmental goods and services, and investment protections—while noting that many current PTA provisions remain vague. The authors recommend focusing on win-win solutions, increasing non-state actor participation, boosting capacity building for low- and middle-income countries, improving impact assessments, and strengthening enforcement mechanisms. Finally, it suggests that PTAs can act as testing grounds for innovative rules that can later be multilateralized through WTO initiatives like the Trade and Environmental Sustainability Structured Discussions (TESSD).

The document argues that the New Collective Quantified Goal (NCQG) must address critical gaps in adaptation finance, which has lagged behind mitigation. It proposes specific requirements for the goal's quantum and instruments to ensure sufficiency, the support of transboundary cooperation for effectiveness, and improved allocation and access mechanisms to ensure equity. Additionally, it suggests enhancing the Enhanced Transparency Framework (ETF) and Biennial Transparency Reports (BTRs) to improve accountability for both providers and recipients of adaptation funding.

The Net Zero Stocktake 2024 reveals a consolidation of net zero targets across countries, cities, and companies, but highlights a critical gap in integrity. While national targets now cover 87% of global GHG emissions, fewer than 5% of non-state entities meet all minimum procedural and substantive integrity criteria. The report emphasizes that national targets often act as a 'ceiling' for subnational ambition, though some regions in countries like Australia and Japan have historically pushed national goals forward. It also notes that members of the Race to Zero campaign generally outperform non-members on integrity measures, although absolute performance remains low.

The document argues that the New Collective Quantified Goal (NCQG) must include a specific annual adaptation finance target of at least USD 215 billion, prioritizing public grants and concessional loans over non-concessional debt. To be effective, the goal should balance global, national, and local priorities, including support for locally led adaptation and transboundary climate risk management. For equity, the brief recommends prioritizing Least Developed Countries (LDCs) and Small Island Developing States (SIDS), increasing funding for Indigenous Peoples and women, and simplifying access to finance through Direct Access and Enhanced Direct Access programs. It further suggests updating the Enhanced Transparency Framework (ETF) in 2028 to improve accountability for both providers and recipients of adaptation finance.

The briefing outlines a comprehensive framework of negotiation options for the NCQG, covering its preamble, the needs of developing countries, fundamental principles, temporal scope, and the structure of the goal. It details various proposals for the quantum of finance—ranging from USD 441 billion to 2.4 trillion—and suggests mechanisms for determining this amount based on developing country needs and temperature goals. Additionally, the document proposes qualitative elements regarding gender, human rights, and technology transfer, as well as specific enhancements for access to finance, levels of concessionality, and transparency arrangements for tracking progress.

The document argues that loss and damage (L&D) finance is a matter of climate justice and that the Global South must maintain a unified negotiating position to secure grants-based funding. It reviews the operationalization of the Loss and Damage Fund and the Santiago Network, while warning against the use of loans that increase external debt. The brief highlights the strategic role of Brazil's G20 presidency and COP30 in advancing a holistic development and environment agenda, and calls for the New Collective Quantified Goal on Climate Finance to include separate sub-goals for adaptation and L&D to prevent double counting.

The World Resources Institute calls on the new UK government to accelerate national climate policies, rebuild trust with the Global South through increased climate finance, and lead international efforts on biodiversity and energy transitions.

The statement supports the Independent Expert's report on international solidarity, noting that environmental human rights defenders face increasing criminalization and scrutiny by States. It specifically highlights harassment of civil society and Indigenous Peoples' representatives at past UNFCCC COPs and expresses concern over the closed civic space in Azerbaijan ahead of COP29 in November 2024, calling for safe and inclusive participation.

A coalition of environmental organizations, including Greenpeace and Reclaim Finance, responded to the French Senate's inquiry into TotalEnergies. While they welcome the report's critical assessment of TotalEnergies' "climaticide" strategy and its expansion of fossil fuels, they argue that the 33 recommendations lack the binding measures necessary to align the company with the Paris Agreement. The associations specifically criticize the absence of super-profit taxation and the perceived weakness of the French state in regulating the multinational.

The briefing outlines key priorities for COP29, including climate finance, methane abatement, and technology partnerships, while warning that the cancellation of 2024 regional climate weeks necessitates increased climate action outside the formal UNFCCC process.

The policy brief outlines ten key developments bringing the ocean to the forefront of global priorities, including the 2025 UN Ocean Conference, the BBNJ Agreement, and the role of ocean-based climate solutions. It highlights the increasing need for marine spatial planning to manage competing interests like energy production and deep-sea mining, and notes how climate change is creating new security risks and geopolitical tensions, particularly in the Arctic. The text also emphasizes the importance of 'source-to-sea' approaches in biodiversity and plastic pollution treaties, and the legal victories of small island states in recognizing greenhouse gases as marine pollutants.

The briefing argues that current oil and gas production trajectories are incompatible with the Paris Agreement, with projected production by 2050 potentially exceeding 1.5°C-aligned needs by 260% for oil and 210% for gas. It advocates for a coordinated global phase-out led by the G7 and G20, emphasizing that new extraction projects must cease immediately. The author highlights the necessity of climate finance, noting a gap between current annual climate finance (USD 1.3 trillion) and the required green transition investment for emerging and developing economies (USD 2.4 trillion). To ensure equity, the document suggests assessing transition capacity based on GDP per capita, government revenue shares from fossil fuels, and workforce employment in the sector, while calling for the phase-out of fossil fuel subsidies and the implementation of innovative funding, such as taxes on fossil fuel company revenues.

The Climate Action Tracker (CAT) argues that current 2030 climate targets and policies are insufficient, projecting end-of-century warming of 2.5°C to 2.7°C. To maintain the 1.5°C goal, the document asserts that governments must enter 'emergency mode,' peaking global emissions before 2025 and halving them by 2030. It outlines four essential elements for 2035 NDCs: ambition based on sectoral benchmarks, scaled-up climate finance for developing nations, credibility through the elimination of fossil fuel subsidies and exploration, and transparency via absolute economy-wide targets that separate land-use sinks and carbon removals from domestic reductions.

The briefing examines the ongoing negotiations for the New Collective Quantified Goal (NCQG) on climate finance, focusing on seven critical areas of contention: the financial target amount, the identity of contributing countries, the applicable time frame, the inclusion of loss and damage, alignment with Article 2.1(c) of the Paris Agreement, the quality of finance (concessionality, accessibility, predictability, and effectiveness), and the mechanisms for transparently tracking progress.

The report finds that since the 2021 IEA Net Zero roadmap, at least 20.3 billion barrels of oil equivalent (boe) of new oil and gas discoveries have been announced. In 2023 alone, 20 fields were approved for development, sanctioning 8 billion boe. The analysis highlights a significant disconnect between the industry's push for new reserves—particularly in South America and Africa—and climate goals, noting that current production pathways are significantly higher than 1.5 degree compatible scenarios. It specifically criticizes the use of scope one and two emissions claims to justify projects while ignoring scope three emissions.

The document argues that while COP28 increased ambition through technology inclusivity and pledges to scale renewables and nuclear energy, the transition now depends on effective financing and planning amidst significant geopolitical instability. It highlights that 2024 is a critical year due to widespread democratic elections and rising trade protectionism, which may prioritize domestic security over climate action. Looking toward COP29 in Baku, the authors expect a focus on the new collective quantified goal on climate finance (NCQG), the phase-out of inefficient fossil fuel subsidies, and the need for more realistic macroeconomic modeling to address a global climate financing gap estimated between $4.5 to $10 trillion per year. The text suggests that because multilateral consensus is increasingly difficult, progress will likely shift toward regional climate weeks and bi- or trilateral partnerships.

The Stockholm Environment Institute criticizes the initial all-male composition of the COP29 organizing committee in Azerbaijan, arguing that gender diversity is essential for effective climate governance and sustainable solutions. While noting a subsequent update where the Azerbaijani government added women to the committee, the text highlights a broader trend of declining female representation among national Party delegates since COP24 and emphasizes that inclusive leadership leads to better environmental disclosure and innovation.