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The report argues that an accelerated phase-out of coal power in Alberta would significantly reduce premature deaths, emergency room visits, and asthma episodes, while providing billions in socio-economic value. By extrapolating data from Environment Canada's Regulatory Impact Analysis Statement (RIAS), the authors demonstrate that a stepwise transition proposed by the Pembina Institute would more than double the health benefits of the 2012 federal regulations between 2015 and 2035.

The 2030 Effort Sharing Regulation (ESR) is a central EU tool covering approximately 60% of total greenhouse gas emissions, specifically targeting the transport, buildings, agriculture, and waste sectors. While the proposal aims for a 30% reduction in non-ETS emissions by 2030 compared to 2005 levels, Carbon Market Watch argues that this target is insufficient and threatened by various 'loopholes'. These include the use of ETS allowances and LULUCF forestry credits to offset emissions, as well as an inflated starting point based on 2016-2018 average emissions rather than 2020 targets. The brief recommends increasing the 2030 non-ETS target to 45%, implementing five-yearly ratchet mechanisms, and prohibiting the use of forestry and ETS credits to ensure environmental integrity.

The Hague Code of Conduct (HCoC) is a voluntary, politically binding instrument designed to curb the proliferation of ballistic missiles capable of delivering weapons of mass destruction (WMD) through transparency and confidence-building measures. While 36 African states have subscribed as of August 2016, the document notes that the African Union has not yet made the HCoC a priority. The brief highlights the dual-use nature of missile technology, arguing that the HCoC allows African states to pursue peaceful space-launch activities and socio-economic development while signaling a commitment to global non-proliferation. It specifically examines the limited history of ballistic missile programs in Egypt, Libya, and South Africa, and recommends that the AU encourage further subscriptions and information sharing regarding civilian space activities.

The author contends that the current political crisis in Europe, often labeled as the rise of 'illiberal democracy,' is more accurately described as the rise of 'authoritarian capitalism.' This shift is driven by the incompatibility of global economic integration, national states, and democracy, which has left marginalized groups—described as 'vagabonds'—vulnerable to right-wing exploitation. The text argues that left-wing parties have failed by adopting economic liberalism and neglecting the working class, and suggests that only a return to egalitarian principles and a confrontation with the capitalist system can restore democratic legitimacy in Europe.

The author argues that pro-Kremlin media systematically misrepresent the European Union as a weak entity failing to manage 'multiculturalism' and the migrant crisis. This narrative is often amplified by EU-based media and xenophobic political rhetoric within EU Member States, such as in Poland and the Czech Republic. The document suggests that relying on government-run communication agencies like East StratCom is insufficient and instead recommends investing in independent Russian-language media and promoting nuanced, fact-based reporting within the EU to counter these narratives.

The text examines the systemic neglect of young people in the EU, highlighting extreme youth unemployment and poverty rates, particularly in Spain and Greece. It argues that the lack of political representation—evidenced by the high average age of parliamentarians—has pushed youth toward political extremes. The author notes that youth mobilization is now reshaping the political landscape, fueling both progressive movements (like the 15M and Podemos in Spain) and nationalist or extremist parties (such as the FPÖ in Austria and Front National in France), concluding that the future of EU integration depends on addressing these youth-led dynamics.

The text examines the synergy between Russian state-sponsored disinformation and rising xenophobic rhetoric within EU member states. It highlights how pro-Kremlin outlets frame the EU as weak and 'multiculturalism' as a disease to fuel anti-EU sentiment. The author argues that relying solely on official strategic communication agencies is insufficient and instead advocates for supporting independent Russian-language journalism and promoting nuanced, fact-based discourse within the EU to counter these narratives.

The author contends that the EU's political elite, characterized as older white males, have ignored the needs of the youth, resulting in extreme unemployment and poverty rates, particularly in Southern Europe. This systemic exclusion has fueled a wave of political activism and voting shifts across Europe, driving both progressive movements like Spain's 15M and the rise of extremist or nationalist parties. The text warns that the future of European integration depends on whether leaders begin to include young people in decision-making processes.

The report analyzes severe May 2016 rainstorms in Europe, finding that climate change significantly increased the probability of extreme 3-day rainfall in France's Seine and Loire basins, while results for southern Germany remained inconclusive.

The document addresses four perceived barriers to the clean energy transition: the 'duck curve' ramping problem, the necessity of curtailing excess generation, the high cost of renewables, and the role of natural gas in emissions reductions. It argues that demand response and battery storage can manage variability, regional electricity trading can prevent waste, and energy efficiency combined with falling technology costs keeps customer bills low. Finally, it asserts that renewable energy and energy efficiency have contributed more to U.S. carbon emission declines since 2007 than the shift to natural gas.

The SEforALL Strategic Framework for Results (2016-21) establishes a partnership-based delivery model to accelerate progress toward Sustainable Development Goal 7 and the Paris Agreement. The framework focuses on empowering leaders to broker partnerships and unlock finance, utilizing 'heat maps' to prioritize engagement in high-impact countries. Key priorities include an 'energy efficiency first' approach, scaling up renewables through IRENA's REmap, and ensuring a people-centered transition that prioritizes women and the energy poor. The global team is transitioning into a Quasi-International Organization headquartered in Vienna to improve operational efficiency and governance.

Between 1919 and 1920, a civil society-led humanitarian effort rescued approximately 200,000 malnourished children from Central Europe, particularly Vienna, by hosting them in various European countries. Italian cities like Milan, Bologna, and Reggio Emilia played a significant role through 'trains of brotherhood,' providing relief and temporary shelter to children from a former enemy state. This initiative facilitated diplomatic reconciliation between Italy and Austria, though it faced opposition from fascist groups and was closed by the Italian government in June 1920. The author draws a parallel between this historical event and contemporary Italian civil society efforts to establish humanitarian corridors for refugees from Syria and East/Sub-Saharan Africa.

The text discusses the historical and emotional significance of the December 21, 2007, expansion of the Schengen Area, which integrated nine countries that joined the EU in 2004. It frames the removal of internal border controls as a realization of European citizenship and a move toward a shared identity. However, it also warns that the strengthening of external borders risks creating a "Fortress Europe" or a "new iron curtain," particularly affecting neighbors in Eastern Europe like Ukraine and Belarus.

Professor Bronisław Geremek discusses the historical significance of the 2007 Schengen Area expansion, which integrated nine 2004 EU accession states. He frames the removal of internal border controls as a realization of the 'Four Freedoms' and a critical step toward full European citizenship for Central and Eastern Europeans. However, he warns that this internal openness necessitates strengthened external borders, potentially creating a 'Fortress Europe' that excludes neighbors to the east and undocumented immigrants.

The text discusses the historical significance of the December 2007 expansion of the Schengen Area, which integrated 9 of the 10 countries that joined the EU in 2004. It frames the removal of internal border controls as a realization of the 'four freedoms' and a step toward a unified European identity, particularly for citizens of Central and Eastern Europe who previously lived under Soviet domination. However, the author notes that this internal openness necessitates stricter external borders, raising concerns about the creation of a 'Fortress Europe' and a 'new iron curtain' affecting relations with non-EU neighbors like Ukraine.

The report argues that the EU ETS has failed to incentivise emissions reductions in the cement sector, instead acting as a production subsidy for high-carbon clinker. Due to coarse free allocation rules and an inaccurate carbon leakage list, the sector has accumulated significant allowance surpluses, with five major companies receiving nearly €1 billion in free allowances between 2008 and 2014. This has led to 'reverse carbon leakage,' where emissions are imported into the EU through clinker exports. The authors recommend introducing more granular production thresholds for allocation, a tiered system for leakage protection, and additional non-ETS policies to support carbon capture and non-Portland cement innovations.

The European power sector saw a record increase in renewables generation in 2015, yet CO2 emissions fell by only an estimated 0.5% due to offsetting increases in coal generation in several countries and a rebound in electricity demand. While the UK experienced a collapse in coal generation, this was countered by growth in the Netherlands, Spain, and Poland. The report forecasts a further 21% drop in EU ETS emissions from 2014 to 2020, suggesting the EU is on track to surpass its 20% economy-wide CO2 cut target.

The author contends that the rise of right-wing and left-wing populism in Europe is fueled by the failure of national governments to deliver common EU policies for social division, climate collapse, and economic instability. The text advocates for a 'Green New Deal' to steer capital toward ecological modernization, a collaborative taxation policy to end corporate tax dumping, and systemic reforms to increase transparency and reduce the influence of economic lobbies within EU institutions. It specifically calls for the cessation of free trade agreements like TTIP, CETA, and TiSA, arguing they limit European democracy.

The author calls for a shift from technocratic management to bold common European policies to combat the rise of right-wing populism and national sovereignty movements. Key proposals include a 'Green New Deal' to direct excess capital into ecological modernization, a coordinated fight against corporate tax dumping, and the strengthening of civil society and transparency to reduce the influence of corporate lobbies. The author specifically advocates for the rejection of trade agreements like TTIP, CETA, and TiSA, which are viewed as constraints on democratic governance.

The document is a declaration calling for the end of fossil fuel exploration and extraction to address the climate crisis and mass extinction. It demands a just transition to a democratized, 100% renewable energy system, the removal of fossil fuel industry influence from policymaking, and the recognition of the rights of Indigenous and frontline communities.