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The report argues that while the Mekong subregion is highly vulnerable to climate-related risks, ASEAN-facilitated free trade agreements (FTAs) and economic partnership agreements (EPAs) largely lack explicit commitments to climate change. It highlights a tension between low-carbon initiatives, such as hydroelectric dams, and the resulting loss of natural capital. The document recommends mainstreaming climate risk assessments into trade mechanisms and fostering cooperation between ASEAN, the Mekong River Commission (MRC), and the Greater Mekong Subregion (GMS) initiative.

The document argues that while China has political support and some adaptable laws for CCS, it lacks a comprehensive regulatory framework for geologic storage. It proposes eight key criteria for such a framework, including site-specific data for selection, adaptive monitoring plans, and clear post-closure stewardship. The brief highlights the role of various Chinese ministries and suggests a pilot regulatory approach to manage technical uncertainties.

The document provides a comprehensive overview of nuclear power, detailing the process of fission and the operation of pressurized and boiling water reactors. It examines the uranium fuel cycle, noting that the U.S. relies heavily on imports from countries like Russia and Canada. The text also addresses the challenges of radioactive waste storage, specifically mentioning Yucca Mountain, and analyzes the economic decline of the U.S. nuclear industry following the 1970s due to cost overruns, declining energy demand, and public opposition.

The document analyzes the gap between emission pledges and projected emissions for 2020, highlighting that the global economic recession likely reduced the actual effort required to meet these targets. It identifies significant uncertainties in calculating 'allowed emissions' due to varying LULUCF rules and the carry-over of Kyoto Protocol credits. Quantitative comparisons across different data sources (PBL, GAINS, and National Communications) show considerable variance in 2020 projections, suggesting that many official projections may overstate emissions by not fully accounting for the recession's impact.

The paper examines the likely balance of demand and supply for carbon units in 2020, analyzing the 'emissions anyway' projections for major developed nations against their pledges. It concludes that while a theoretical demand gap exists, actual market demand for Certified Emission Reductions (CERs) from the Clean Development Mechanism (CDM) may be low due to policy preferences for sectoral crediting in the US and EU, and a likely oversupply of CERs. The author warns that this suggests a potentially low-value international carbon market, which could hinder global efforts to peak emissions by 2020.

The report argues that carbon capture and storage (CCS) is essential to meeting mid-century climate goals because coal remains a dominant global energy source. It proposes a three-phase industry development model: a 'pioneer phase' to eliminate technical risks, a 'cost reduction phase' to scale deployment to 50 GW, and a 'mature industry phase' for deep emissions reductions. Key recommendations include a $20 billion investment for a diverse portfolio of pioneer projects by 2018, the implementation of GHG emissions performance standards for new and existing coal and gas plants, and the creation of Geologic Sequestration Utilities (GSUs) to manage CO2 storage. The report also emphasizes international collaboration with China and the use of reverse auctions to distribute financial incentives efficiently.

The document defines environmental justice as the right to healthy living environments and a fair share of nature's benefits. It argues that the poorest populations are disproportionately affected by environmental damage and climate change, while the wealthiest are most responsible. Friends of the Earth advocates for 'climate justice,' where rich countries lead in carbon cuts and fund adaptation for poorer nations. The text highlights specific case studies of its work, including fighting oil pollution in Nigeria, uranium mining in Australia, and urban planning issues in the UK.

The document examines the 'smart sanctions' imposed by Western nations on Zimbabwe, concluding that their effectiveness has been limited by implementation loopholes and regional support for the Mugabe regime. It argues that while these measures were intended to pressure the elite, they have been used by ZANU-PF as a political scapegoat for economic decline. The author suggests a middle ground of conditional lifting to reward progress and deflate anti-imperialist rhetoric.

The document examines how global warming threatens fundamental human rights—including the rights to food, water, health, and housing—and explores the legal frameworks available for redress. It reviews international environmental law, the outcomes of the 2009 Copenhagen Conference, and existing jurisprudence from human rights tribunals. The authors argue that climate-related harms are not 'new territory' for litigation but fit within established legal principles. The paper specifically evaluates the CESCR's current work and proposes eleven recommendations to better anchor climate change in the Committee's state reporting, general comments, and the use of its Optional Protocol for individual and inter-state complaints.

The report examines carbon leakage—the migration of emissions to regions with laxer carbon pricing—specifically focusing on the EU ETS Phase III. It criticizes the European Commission's broad identification of 164 sectors at risk, arguing that the criteria used were too simplistic and failed to account for the 2008 economic recession or the actual auctioning rates. The authors suggest that leakage risk is actually concentrated in a few sectors, including steel, cement, and aluminium, and recommend tailored policy responses such as border adjustments for cement and investment subsidies for aluminium, rather than a one-size-fits-all approach of free allowance allocation.

The paper examines the complexity of comparing national emissions pledges due to inconsistent base years, varying scopes of greenhouse gases, and divergent accounting methods for LULUCF. It analyzes the specific pledges of Annex I countries (Australia, Canada, EU, Japan, Russia, Kazakhstan) and non-Annex I countries (China, India), highlighting how 'cherry picking' accounting systems can make targets appear more ambitious than they are. The authors recommend a common accounting framework where countries provide scenarios showing how energy-related emissions, LULUCF, and international offsets contribute to their total commitments.

The document investigates how the global economic slowdown affects greenhouse gas emissions, arguing that while recessions reduce emissions in the short term, the long-term impact depends on whether the downturn permanently lowers the GDP trajectory and how it influences energy prices and investment. It finds that many official projections may underestimate the long-term reduction in emissions by treating the recession as a transitory business cycle effect rather than a permanent shift in output. The authors estimate that the global emissions trajectory could be lowered by 1-5% in the long run, or 5-9% if a 'price rebound' effect from lower energy prices is excluded.

The report examines the critical role of transparency in reforming fossil-fuel subsidies, particularly in the context of 2009 commitments by the G-20 and APEC. It identifies a significant gap in available data, noting that current estimates often rely on a 'price-gap' approach that overlooks producer subsidies. The author proposes a two-track approach to improve transparency: enhancing domestic accounting and reporting standards within countries, and establishing a new international data-gathering regime. This international regime would ideally involve a standard reporting template, standardized methodologies, and the potential leadership of intergovernmental organizations like the IMF or World Bank to ensure global buy-in and consistency.

The report analyzes the impasse in WTO Doha Round negotiations regarding environmental goods and services (EGS), specifically the difficulty in defining and listing goods for tariff reduction. It proposes a framework for progress by examining the structures of the CITES, Rotterdam, and Stockholm Conventions, as well as the Energy Star, Marine Stewardship Council (MSC), and coffee sustainability labels. The authors recommend that the WTO avoid creating its own standards, instead referencing external scientific standards, establishing a technical advisory body, and incorporating flexibility through reservations and special treatment for developing countries.

The report assesses the integration of Education for Sustainable Development (ESD) in Manitoba's First Nations schools, highlighting a disconnect between federal funding bodies and the UN DESD framework. While there is strong local interest and provincial leadership from Manitoba Education, the lack of federal policy and funding from Indian and Northern Affairs Canada (INAC) results in sporadic implementation. The report recommends a federal strategy for ESD in First Nations schools, using Manitoba as a pilot province.

The report argues that trade liberalization in Southeast Asia often marginalizes women because policy-makers incorrectly view macro-economics and trade instruments as gender-neutral. While liberalization can create new employment and income opportunities, poor women remain particularly vulnerable. The document identifies five areas of gender divergence: job segregation, the paid/unpaid labour divide, household resource distribution, access to state redistribution, and financial market credit. It recommends that ASEAN and member states conduct gender-oriented reviews of trade initiatives, provide access to social safety nets, and invest in capacity building to eradicate discrimination and enable women to benefit from economic openness.

The report assesses the environmental footprint of Chinese copper cathode production, which relies heavily on imports. Using a 'cradle-to-gate' LCA, it finds that mining and mineral extraction are the primary drivers of environmental impact, accounting for over 70% of the total for primary production. While Chinese primary production has lower impacts than the global average and regions like Latin America and Indonesia, it remains higher than European production due to lower ore grades and a fossil-fuel-heavy electricity mix. The study recommends improving mining technologies, enhancing the collection and recycling of secondary copper, and phasing out obsolete smelting technologies.

The report argues that while precise surgical assessment of comparability is currently impossible, a common set of core indicators is necessary to define fairness and support domestic and international negotiations. It proposes an 'apples with apples' anchoring point based on economy-wide emissions excluding LULUCF and introduces 'trajectory indicators' to align 2020 targets with 2050 goals. The analysis categorizes Annex I Parties into 'New World' economies, 'Old OECD economies', and 'Transition economies' based on emissions, population, and GDP trends. Finally, it emphasizes the need for harmonized economic modelling to provide a rational basis for cost-comparability, especially following the global financial crisis.

The report examines the intersection of trade and climate change in the Mekong subregion (Cambodia, Lao PDR, Myanmar, Thailand, and Vietnam). It argues that while ASEAN promotes economic integration and trade liberalization, these frameworks often lack explicit climate change commitments, potentially increasing the region's vulnerability. The document highlights projected climate risks—such as sea-level rise, altered precipitation, and temperature increases—that threaten agricultural production and natural resources. It concludes that ASEAN's trade agreements (FTAs/EPAs) generally fail to incorporate climate risk assessments or mitigation strategies, recommending the mainstreaming of climate concerns into economic cooperation frameworks.

The report analyzes comparative water legislation from countries including Canada, Germany, China, and the US to establish common legal principles. It argues that water is traditionally a public asset subject to government control, public ownership, and permanent regulation. Key principles identified include the 'doctrine of effective and beneficial use,' the requirement for environmental impact assessments, and the state's power to amend water rights ex-post to protect public health and the environment. The author suggests that grounding water management in these shared national legal principles can help states resist claims in investment arbitration when enacting new environmental or efficiency regulations.