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The research paper argues that climate policy has historically over-emphasized demand-side measures, such as carbon pricing and energy efficiency, while neglecting the supply side of the fossil fuel economy. The authors identify three primary barriers to supply-side action: political opposition from powerful fossil fuel interests, territorial GHG accounting rules that under-credit supply-side reductions, and a common perception that restricting production merely causes 'leakage' to other regions. The paper proposes a typology of supply-side policies, including producer subsidy reform, conservation payments for leaving reserves undeveloped, and ring-fenced cap-and-trade systems for production rights. It suggests that integrating supply-side measures can widen the mitigation cost curve, reducing the cost of achieving emission targets and mitigating 'carbon lock-in' and 'stranded-asset' risks. The authors highlight the case of Norway, where a combined supply-demand strategy could potentially achieve global emission reductions at one-third the cost of a demand-only approach.

Friends of the Earth Asia Pacific presents a series of community-driven projects—such as solar cooperatives in South Korea and community forest management in Indonesia—as scalable models for a just transition. The report argues that Asia faces entwined crises of extreme poverty and climate change, necessitating a shift away from 'business as usual' toward economic systems that prioritize people and the planet. It concludes with ten specific policy demands for Asian leaders, including the end of fossil fuel subsidies, the adoption of a UN Treaty on multinational business accountability, and the implementation of regional plans for a 100% renewable energy transformation.

The statement celebrates Uruguay's withdrawal from the Trade in Services Agreement (TISA) following a mass mobilization campaign led by unions and social movements. It characterizes TISA as a secret agreement designed to force market openness for transnational corporations, privatize public services, and dismantle state regulatory capacities, specifically targeting sectors like energy and environmental services. The author highlights that the victory in Uruguay was achieved through the use of leaked documents and a broad coalition of civil society, and calls on the other 51 participating countries to similarly abandon the negotiations.

The document introduces the WEF security concept to operationalize sustainable development in mining. It details a conceptual framework based on availability, access, supporting infrastructure, and supporting institutions/policies. The guide provides a review of existing sustainability indicators and introduces WEFsat-Mining, an Excel-based tool for stakeholders to assess current WEF status, identify mining influences, and determine mitigation or enhancement actions. It also outlines stakeholder engagement practices and a four-stage participatory scenario planning process for regional landscape investment.

The policy brief examines the emergence of the Blue Economy as a central priority for African policymakers, specifically through the AU's 2050 Africa’s Integrated Maritime Strategy (2050 AIM Strategy). It identifies a significant challenge of fragmentation, where maritime ambitions span a complex array of sector-specific institutions and programmes. The author suggests that the 2050 AIM Strategy should link with the Indian Ocean Rim Association (IORA), which has recently undergone institutional renewal and adopted the Blue Economy as its top priority. The brief emphasizes that for these initiatives to succeed, they must avoid duplicating sector-specific efforts and instead focus on high-level integrated planning, improved communication platforms, and bolstered institutional capacity.

The report argues that achieving sustainable groundwater management in California requires the establishment of clear, quantitative measurable objectives to avoid 'undesirable results' such as land subsidence and seawater intrusion. It advocates for an adaptive management approach involving clear baselines, quantitative thresholds, and protective triggers. The authors propose a six-step preliminary framework for setting thresholds and recommend that the state develop a common framework to ensure consistency in data, assumptions, and metrics across different groundwater sustainability agencies.

The document calls for the total abandonment of the Trans Pacific Partnership (TPP) following stalled negotiations in Hawaii. It argues that the TPP is a "trojan horse deal" that threatens public health by increasing medicine prices and undermines environmental regulations to protect "free trade" in dirty energy products like tar sands oil. The author highlights the Investor State Dispute Settlement (ISDS) mechanism as a tool for corporations to sue governments for environmental protections, citing a case where Gabriel Resources sought arbitration against Romania. The text concludes that the TPP's environment chapter is "totally inadequate" and encourages public pressure during upcoming elections in Canada and the US to stop the agreement.

The Centre for Environmental Rights (CER), representing groundwork (gW), Earthlife Africa, Johannesburg (ELA), and the South Durban Community Environmental Alliance (SDCEA), submitted formal comments on the draft National Greenhouse Gas (GHG) Emission Reporting Regulations published on 5 June 2015. The CER argues that the draft regulations are insufficient to meet South Africa's international obligations under the UNFCCC and the Kyoto Protocol, citing a lack of detailed facility-level reporting, a failure to identify 'key categories' of emission sources as per IPCC Guidelines, and inadequate provisions for public disclosure of emission data.

The document argues that while public and private sectors have inherently different goals and cultural perspectives, these differences can be leveraged through specific procurement and implementation mechanisms. It highlights 'best value' bid evaluation and performance-linked payment systems as critical tools for aligning interests. Additionally, it suggests informal collaboration methods, such as partnering sessions and joint offices, to reduce conflict and build trust during the long-term lifecycle of infrastructure projects.

The paper argues that while the principle of allocating risk to the party best able to manage it is widely accepted, generic application often erodes value for money. It suggests that practitioners should focus on managing both the occurrence and the impact of risks, utilize partial risk transfer to incentivize private sector mitigation, and avoid overly complex mechanisms that increase transaction costs. The author emphasizes that risk allocation must be customized to project characteristics and informed by the financial and legal structures of special purpose vehicles (SPVs) and market conditions.

The paper analyzes the Islamic State's (IS) organizational approach to integrating foreign fighters and local recruits in Iraq and Syria. It argues that while foreign fighters provide essential manpower and ideological zeal for IS's territorial ambitions, they introduce risks of adverse selection (incompetence or infiltration). IS mitigates these risks through segregated training, vetting via extreme acts, and deploying foreign fighters in high-risk roles like suicide missions. Conversely, local recruits present a moral hazard of latent opportunism and personal vendettas. The authors conclude that IS effectively manages these diverse groups by aligning them under the overarching goal of establishing a Caliphate, though internal tensions can emerge during military setbacks.

The Great Barrier Reef has lost more than half of its coral cover over the last 40 years, driven largely by climate change. The author asserts that Australia's commitment to increase coal production, specifically through new mega-mines in the Galilee Basin, exacerbates this threat by contributing to global carbon emissions and requiring harmful dredging and increased shipping in the World Heritage Area. Earthjustice and Environmental Justice Australia claim the reef meets up to six of the eight World Heritage Convention criteria for being 'in danger,' urging the World Heritage Committee to reverse its draft decision and list the site to enhance its protection.

As of 31 March 2015, the Green Climate Fund Trust Fund had received total contributions of USDeq. 171.20 million, with USDeq. 128.00 million deposited by 23 contributors. The GCF Board approved funding totaling USD 65.11 million for administrative budgets and readiness activities, while the interim trustee transferred USD 19.62 million. Total funds available to support GCF Board funding decisions were USD 63,147,206.

The document examines how La Mesa, a Salvadoran coalition, used amicus curiae submissions in the Pac Rim arbitration to bring community concerns regarding metals mining and sustainable development to an international tribunal. It highlights the importance of alliance building between local groups and international legal experts to navigate technical arbitration processes and argues that such interventions provide essential public interest context that disputing parties may omit.

The report examines how the Mesa Nacional Frente a la Minería Metálica de El Salvador (MNFM), supported by CIEL and FESPAD, used amicus curiae submissions in the Pac Rim investor-state arbitration to highlight environmental and human rights concerns. It details the legal requirements for such interventions, the strategic importance of technical legal expertise combined with community grounding, and the outcomes of the jurisdictional phase of the arbitration. The document concludes with lessons for other civil society organizations on navigating the technical nature of international investment law to protect public interest and democratic decision-making.

The Global Campaign to Dismantle Corporate Power and Stop Impunity argues for a legally binding UN treaty to end the impunity of transnational corporations (TNCs). The submission proposes that TNCs be held civilly and criminally liable for human rights and environmental violations, including through shared liability for subsidiaries and subcontractors. It calls for the recognition of the hierarchical superiority of human rights over trade and investment treaties, the codification of states' extra-territorial obligations, and the creation of international enforcement bodies, including a World Court on TNCs and Human Rights. The document also highlights the role of international financial institutions like the IMF and World Bank in facilitating corporate impunity through structural adjustment policies.

The submission argues that TNCs operate with unprecedented economic and political power, often evading national laws through complex structures and benefiting from investment treaties that prioritize private profit over human rights. It proposes a binding UN treaty that establishes TNCs' obligations to respect all human rights, holds them civilly and criminally liable (including joint liability for subsidiaries and suppliers), and mandates that states regulate TNCs' extraterritorial activities. The document further calls for the legal supremacy of human rights over trade and investment agreements, the inclusion of international financial institutions like the IMF and World Bank in the treaty's scope, and the creation of a World Court on TNCs and Human Rights. Finally, it demands that TNCs be excluded from the negotiation process to prevent corporate influence from undermining the instrument's effectiveness.

The document argues that transnational corporations (TNCs) currently operate with impunity due to a lack of binding international regulations and the dominance of trade and investment treaties over human rights. It proposes a new UN instrument that establishes the legal obligation of TNCs to respect all human rights, holds them civilly and criminally liable for violations (including through subsidiaries), and mandates that states regulate TNCs' extraterritorial activities. The proposal calls for the creation of an international court and a monitoring body to oversee implementation, while demanding that TNCs be excluded from the negotiation process to prevent undue influence.

The report finds that illegalities are pervasive across DRC's industrial logging concessions, with every visited site between 2011 and 2014 showing violations. These range from over-harvesting and tax avoidance to human rights abuses and the use of fraudulent CITES permits. Despite laws like the EU Timber Regulation and the US Lacey Act, significant volumes of high-risk timber continue to flow to China, Europe, and the US, driven by weak government enforcement and a culture of impunity in the DRC.

The document examines Integrated Coastal Management (ICM) as a multi-sectoral governance approach to balance the development, use, and protection of coastal zones. It traces the global shift from sectoral 'command-and-control' methods to ecosystem-based management and analyzes South Africa's transition from a conservation-focused model to one prioritizing sustainable livelihoods and poverty eradication. The author highlights the 2008 Integrated Coastal Management Act as a key legal framework but notes significant failures in local-level implementation, particularly in the Eastern Cape, where unregulated sand mining and illegal development persist due to a lack of municipal capacity and political will.