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The author supports the EPA's plan to propose carbon performance standards for power plants by July 2011, arguing that such regulations are necessary in the absence of federal legislation to drive clean energy investment and reduce harmful emissions. The text emphasizes that while coal-fired plants are a major source of pollution and 40% of U.S. carbon emissions, phased-in regulation and the development of a robust carbon capture and storage (CCS) industry are the most effective paths toward climate stabilization.

The Cancun Climate Summit is characterized as a moderate success that restored faith in the multilateral process following the Copenhagen summit. Key outcomes included the first official UN agreement to keep global temperature increases below 2°C, the recognition of voluntary emission reduction plans for 2020, and the establishment of financial mechanisms for developing countries, including a 30 billion dollar transfer for 2010-2012 and the creation of the Green Climate Fund. While the summit made progress on measurement, reporting, and verification (MRV) and forest protection (REDD+), it left the decision on a second Kyoto Protocol period to the 2011 Durban summit. The authors attribute the success to the leadership of the Mexican government and the UNFCCC Executive Secretary.

The paper examines the JinFei ETCZ in Mauritius as an anomaly in China's African investment strategy, which usually targets large markets or resource-rich countries. It argues that the project was realized through the proactive agency of the Mauritian government, which leveraged its stable 'soft infrastructure' and strategic location to position the island as a business platform between Asia and Africa. Despite initial delays due to land disputes and the 2008 financial crisis, the project was rescued by high-level Chinese political intervention and the entry of large state-owned enterprises from Shanxi Province, shifting the zone's focus from light manufacturing to services, real estate, and logistics.

The document examines the 2011 uprisings in Tunisia, Egypt, and Libya, alongside the political responses in Algeria and Morocco. It identifies systemic corruption, youth unemployment, and political exclusion as primary drivers. It specifically analyzes the Libyan civil war, the role of the African Union and European Union, and the potential for these revolutionary dynamics to spread to Sub-Saharan Africa. The report concludes that the African Union's response was slow and lacked a clear framework for dealing with popular democratic revolutions compared to military coups.

The document analyzes the emergence of political Islam and extremist movements in North Africa, arguing that poverty, unemployment, and political exclusion drive youth toward extreme ideologies. It examines various movements, from the Muslim Brotherhood's transnational networks to the violent activities of Al-Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb (AQIM) and the Libyan Islamic Fighting Group (LIFG). The text highlights how North African states have used 'triangulation'—playing different Islamist factions against each other—to maintain stability, while also noting the role of transnational 'ummah' identities in blurring national borders.

The document presents results from a pilot study of 177 armed conflict actors in 20 African countries. It finds that sexual violence is often indiscriminate, frequently committed by state armies, and can persist in post-conflict periods or years with low killing rates. The study emphasizes that sexual violence is not an inevitable part of war, as many actors do not engage in it, and recommends improved reporting mechanisms and targeted interventions to reduce its occurrence.

The report examines the role of 'best practices' in the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM), an African Union instrument designed to improve governance through voluntary peer review. Analyzing 12 Country Review Reports (CRRs), the authors identify 146 practices across four themes: democracy and political governance, economic governance and management, corporate governance, and socio-economic development. The document argues that while the APRM lacks a clear conceptual definition of 'best practices,' these identified successes are essential for fostering 'African solutions to African problems' and providing non-coercive incentives for governance reform.

The document argues that the rise of emerging powers—specifically the BRIC nations—provides an opportunity for South Africa and the broader African continent to shift the global economic center of gravity toward the South. Minister Nkoana‐Mashabane emphasizes that South Africa seeks to balance its memberships in IBSA and BRIC to amplify the voice of developing nations in multilateral processes and the reform of Bretton Woods Institutions. For Africa to transition into an emerging power itself, the Minister identifies four critical priority areas: Infrastructure, Intra-trade, Industry, and Integration. The speech frames these geopolitical shifts not as a zero-sum game, but as a means to address shared global challenges including climate change and energy security through cooperation between the developed and developing worlds.

The document assesses Saudi Arabia's transition toward a diversified, non-oil-dependent economy and the resulting commercial opportunities for South Africa. It highlights Saudi Arabia's economic reforms, including the development of six mega-cities and the opening of its investment climate through SAGIA. The authors argue that South Africa is currently lagging behind other emerging powers like China and India in exploiting these opportunities and recommends reviving dormant bilateral mechanisms such as the Joint Economic Commission to attract Saudi investment and expand South African trade in the Gulf region.

The document argues that while China has political support and some adaptable laws for CCS, it lacks a comprehensive regulatory framework for geologic storage. It proposes eight key criteria for such a framework, including site-specific data for selection, adaptive monitoring plans, and clear post-closure stewardship. The brief highlights the role of various Chinese ministries and suggests a pilot regulatory approach to manage technical uncertainties.

The communiqué from the July 2010 Kampala conference identifies critical areas for improving the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM). Key recommendations include the urgent need to fill the vacant CEO position of the APRM Secretariat, the integration of National Programmes of Action (NPOA) into national budgeting and planning, and the requirement for National Governing Councils to maintain institutional independence with a non-executive majority. The document emphasizes that while twelve countries had completed reviews by 2010, the pace of accession and execution remains slow, urging all 53 African states to join the mechanism.

The policy brief evaluates the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM), a governance monitoring tool designed to foster political stability and sustainable development in Africa. The author identifies ten reasons for optimism, noting that 29 African countries have voluntarily joined the process and that the mechanism has accelerated its pace of reviews over time. While the author acknowledges that the system struggles to hold heads of state accountable for specific crises, the APRM has produced comprehensive reports that identify systemic weaknesses and has led to tangible governance gains in countries like Ghana, Rwanda, and Kenya. The brief concludes that the APRM empowers citizens through participatory assessment and promotes peer learning among states, though it requires more transparent leadership and better documentation of successes to maintain momentum.

The document reports on a February 2010 roundtable discussing the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM). It highlights the mechanism's success in attracting 30 member states and producing 12 comprehensive Country Review Reports (CRRs) that diagnose governance failures. However, it identifies critical weaknesses, including a 'crisis of leadership', insufficient funding, and a lack of systematic implementation of National Programmes of Action (NPoAs). The discussion emphasizes the need for greater transparency in the Panel of Eminent Persons and more robust civil society engagement to ensure the APRM's long-term credibility and impact.

The document analyzes the African Standby Force (ASF) as a critical component of the African Peace and Security Architecture (APSA). It argues that while the ASF is designed to provide a rapid, multidimensional response to African crises—including the right to intervene in cases of war crimes, genocide, and crimes against humanity—its effectiveness is severely hindered by gaps in funding, logistics, administrative capacity, and political will. The author concludes that the ASF is unlikely to meet its projected 2010 operational capabilities and will likely have a modest impact on complex conflicts in the short to medium term.

The author proposes that Africa establish an informal 'club of states' similar to the G8 or G20 to address continental challenges and represent Africa globally. The brief argues that formal institutions like the African Union (AU) are hindered by a commitment to equality among states and resistance to reform, which leads to weak compromises. To achieve effectiveness, the author suggests an 'A5 Club' consisting of South Africa, Nigeria, Angola, Ethiopia, and Kenya, with Egypt as a possible sixth member. This group would be based on 'effectiveness and capabilities' rather than democratic legitimacy, aiming to stabilise failing states, end conflicts, and steer AU political processes.

The seminar, co-organized by the Institute for Security Studies and the Ethiopian International Institute for Peace and Development, highlighted Africa's vulnerability to climate change and the necessity of a united African position for the Copenhagen talks. Key discussions centered on the EU's commitment to a 30% emission reduction by 2020 and a pledge of 100 billion Euros for developing countries, as well as the need for technology transfer and financial compensation for Africa. The event also detailed the institutional framework of the African Union's common position, including the role of a ten-country committee headed by Ethiopia's Prime Minister Meles Zenawi.

The report argues that carbon capture and sequestration (CCS) is essential for mitigating global climate change given the continued reliance on coal. It identifies four critical technology areas requiring accelerated federal investment: underground coal gasification (UCG), next-generation surface coal gasification, advanced post-combustion capture (PCC), and geologic carbon sequestration (GCS). For each area, the authors provide specific RD&D roadmaps, including funding estimates and technical priorities. Key recommendations include the creation of a 'first commercial project fund' to help technologies bridge the 'Valley of Death' between pilot and commercial scale, and the establishment of international collaborations to facilitate technology transfer to countries like China and India.

The document analyzes African perspectives on the proposed Arms Trade Treaty (ATT), which aims to establish universal standards for the legal trade of conventional weapons. While there is broad support across the continent, the paper identifies specific concerns regarding national sovereignty, the potential for the treaty to be used as a political tool, and the financial burden of implementation. It details the positions of South Africa, Kenya, Egypt, Algeria, and Nigeria, noting a tension between the desire for global standards and the protection of national arms industries and security rights. The author recommends that African states develop a more unified common position through the African Union to better influence the international process.

The document analyzes the conflict dynamics of the Tuareg in North Africa and the Sahel, arguing that the violence is rooted in the loss of traditional livelihood resources and systemic political exclusion. It examines how post-independence land reforms, severe droughts in the 1970s and 1980s, and the industrial exploitation of uranium and gold have marginalized the Tuareg. The paper details the specific trajectories of conflict in Mali and Niger, the assimilation policies in Algeria, and the destabilizing role of Libya. It concludes that peace requires a comprehensive approach addressing the root causes of poverty and resource inequality rather than treating the Tuareg as terrorists.

President Dmitry Medvedev's June 2009 visit to Egypt, Nigeria, Namibia, and Angola focused on the exploitation of energy and minerals and the sale of Russian technology. This effort, alongside summits with BRIC and SCO nations, reflects a Russian foreign policy goal to challenge US hegemony and establish a multipolar world. Key outcomes included agreements on gas field development and pipelines in Nigeria, nuclear power projects in Egypt and Namibia, and loans for Angola's satellite programme. The document notes South Africa's absence from the Russian president's itinerary and the BRIC summit in Yekaterinburg.