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The statement calls for a transition to 100% renewable energy in Africa by 2050 to address energy poverty and the combined impacts of climate change and Covid-19. It demands the installation of over 300GW of new renewable energy by 2030 and over 2000GW by 2050, emphasizing socially-owned, community-based systems. The plan estimates an annual investment requirement of US$130 billion, which it argues can be funded through public climate finance, debt cancellation, and stopping illicit financial flows. The authors call for a ban on new fossil fuel developments and the creation of 7 million well-paid jobs in the clean energy sector.

The document provides comprehensive brand guidelines for GreenCape to ensure visual consistency across all communications. It details the correct application of the primary mark, including prohibited modifications such as stretching or rotating. The visual identity is built around a primary palette of green and grey, supplemented by highlight and secondary colours. Typography is standardised using Galano Grotesque Alt for headings, Avenir for body copy, and Arial for digital templates. The guidelines also specify a photographic style that prioritises real-site images of green projects and people to demonstrate the reality of the green economy. Practical applications are illustrated through examples of business cards, stationery, social media assets, and presentation templates.

The document traces the history of hazardous waste regulation from the 1972 Stockholm Conference to the 2019 entry into force of the Basel Convention's Ban Amendment. It highlights the risks of 'toxic colonialism,' where developed nations export hazardous materials to vulnerable regions. A significant focus is placed on the rapid growth of e-waste and the complexities of defining 'waste' versus 'recyclable products.' The author argues for a more proactive, equity-based approach to waste management to address emerging streams from the energy transition, such as lithium and cobalt.

The statement highlights the continued support of the coal industry by Japanese financial giants Mizuho, SMBC, MUFG, and Tokio Marine, noting billions of dollars in financing and insurance provided to coal developers and projects globally despite climate commitments.

The document argues that young people (aged 10-24) in low- and middle-income countries (LMICs) are disproportionately affected by climate change but face structural barriers and tokenism that hinder their participation in decision-making. It proposes a research framework based on social context, substance, procedure, power, and agency to analyse youth engagement in Ethiopia, Kenya, Senegal, Bangladesh, Indonesia, and Vietnam.

The 47th G7 summit reaffirmed commitments to a "green revolution" and the goal of halving collective carbon emissions by 2030, while pledging to end new direct government support for international carbon-intensive fossil fuel energy. However, the document highlights a disconnect between these goals and African realities, where fossil fuels account for approximately 80% of energy supply and many states are planning coal-fired power expansions. While the G7 welcomed the commitment of up to $2 billion via Climate Investment Funds, the document notes this is insufficient compared to the $20-30 billion per year the African Development Bank estimates Africa requires for climate action until 2030. Furthermore, the $100 billion promised by developed countries since COP15 remains unrealised.

The document identifies a history of disappointing outcomes in private sector partnerships within the Western Indian Ocean (WIO) region, often due to the private sector being viewed solely as a funding source and a general lack of trust between stakeholders. It argues that meaningful partnerships must be based on mutual benefit, clearly defined roles, and a recognition of the diverse nature of private sector actors, ranging from micro-enterprises to multinational firms. The briefing supports the adoption of the Strategic Framework for Private Sector Partnership for the Western Indian Ocean Region and suggests exploring a regional platform to facilitate innovation and coordination between government, private sector, and civil society, potentially modeled after the Consortium for the Conservation of the Coastal and Marine Ecosystems in the Western Indian Ocean (WIO-C).

The document warns that African oil and gas producing countries risk committing public funds to stranded assets by basing investment decisions on current price trends rather than energy transition scenarios. It highlights the vulnerability of National Oil Companies (NOCs) and the potential for revenue overestimation, specifically citing risks in countries like Angola, Mozambique, and Senegal. The author advocates for the Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative (EITI) to mandate the disclosure of project viability data and for governments to diversify their economies.

Allianz Global Investors (Allianz GI) introduced its first coal exclusion policy in July 2021, excluding companies that derive over 30% of revenues from thermal coal or produce over 30% of electricity from coal. Reclaim Finance argues this policy is outdated, mirroring a 2015 standard rather than the more stringent current Allianz Group policy. The analysis highlights that Allianz GI remains invested in 96 coal companies, including 43 coal developers, and lacks commitments to end support for coal expansion or set a full exit date for the coal sector. The document calls for the adoption of absolute exclusion thresholds and alignment with the Allianz Group's goal to exit coal by 2040.

The paper advocates for the adoption of nuclear power in Africa to combat energy poverty and meet climate goals, noting that nuclear energy is a zero-emission source with a high capacity factor. It addresses safety concerns by comparing death rates and highlighting new reactor designs, while suggesting that Small Modular Reactors (SMRs) could mitigate high upfront costs and long construction times. The author emphasizes the need for robust national regulatory frameworks and international cooperation through bodies like the IAEA and FNRBA to ensure safety and security.

The document advocates for the use of Other Effective area-based Conservation Measures (OECMs) in Africa to bridge the gap between biodiversity protection and community livelihoods. It highlights that while traditional protected areas often displaced local populations, OECMs allow for diverse governance—including community and private partnerships—that can deliver both conservation and economic gains. Through case studies in South Africa and Kenya, the briefing demonstrates how these models can generate income via tourism, sustainable ranching, and ecosystem services. It concludes that African governments should collectively advocate for community-centred conservation in the post-2020 global biodiversity framework, provided that rights-based approaches, innovative financing, and context-specific research are prioritised to avoid elite capture and ensure equitable benefit distribution.

The document argues that African states must shift from a strategy of blocking new negotiations to one of active participation to avoid becoming 'rule takers' in the global trade system. It specifically recommends narrowing the TRIPS waiver proposal to focus solely on COVID-19 vaccines to secure broader support and suggests that African states prioritize a few key development outcomes from the stalled Doha Round while engaging in Joint Statement Initiatives (JSIs) on e-commerce and investment. The brief also emphasizes the need for the African Union to coordinate common policy positions and the establishment of regional vaccine production hubs in countries like South Africa, Senegal, Algeria, and Tunisia.

The document advocates for a comprehensive EU directive on corporate due diligence to prevent environmental harm. It argues against size-based thresholds for companies, citing the seafood and timber industries as examples where small and medium enterprises (SMEs) can cause significant damage. It emphasizes the necessity of a 'life cycle' approach to value chains, particularly for fossil fuels (addressing Scope 3 emissions and methane leakage) and plastics (addressing pellet pollution). Finally, it calls for mandatory, detailed public reporting to ensure corporate accountability, using the automotive sector's emissions and battery supply chains as a case for transparency.

The report evaluates Ghana's institutional and private sector readiness for the AfCFTA, which officially commenced trading on 1 January 2021. While the Ghanaian government has established policy frameworks and institutional structures, such as the National AfCFTA Coordinating Office, the report finds that local small and medium enterprises (SMEs) face significant hurdles. Key findings indicate low production capabilities, limited knowledge of the agreement's protocols, and a lack of export certificates among many firms. However, some companies like Kasapreko Company Limited and Ghandour Cosmetics Limited have successfully exported to other African markets. The report recommends the development of a public national strategic plan, increased decentralized stakeholder consultations, and financial strategies to reduce lending interest rates for local industries.

The paper examines how the APRM's Expanded Mandate has revitalized the agency by introducing targeted reviews and monitoring roles for Agenda 2063 and the SDGs, while cautioning that these additions may distract from its core mission of comprehensive country reviews. It highlights the role of the 'Kagame Reforms' and the leadership of CEO Prof. Eddy Maloka in restoring institutional stability and financial predictability. The author argues that the APRM must now consolidate these gains, rationalizing its activities to ensure that new instruments, such as National Governance Reports, do not become weak substitutes for rigorous peer reviews.

The document examines China's four waves of SOE reform since 1978, highlighting the use of market competition under state ownership and mixed governance. It argues that while China's unique political system makes direct replication difficult, African nations can adopt tactical lessons such as using quality global exchanges for IPOs, creating competing state-owned units to monitor management, and ensuring durable compensation for workers displaced by reform. The author emphasizes that state capacity and institutional design must precede large-scale ownership reform.

The document traces the evolution of climate change within U.S. National Security Strategies from 1991 to 2017, noting a shift from viewing it as a distant foreign threat to an urgent domestic and global security risk. It argues that while the Department of Defense has led in addressing these risks, congressional funding for military installation resilience remains insufficient. The authors recommend that the next NSS expand its scope beyond the energy sector to include 'ecological security'—addressing biodiversity loss and ocean health—and incorporate non-linear planetary thresholds and sophisticated environmental monitoring to better forecast systemic risks.

The document advocates for a 'One Health' strategy in Africa to address the interconnected crises of human health, biodiversity loss, and climate change. It argues that blanket bans on wildlife trade are unworkable and may increase the risk of zoonotic spill-over by driving trade underground. Instead, it recommends nature-positive investments, green stimulus packages, and financial incentives for source countries to reduce IWT and improve governance. The brief emphasizes that socio-economic factors, exacerbated by the COVID-19 pandemic, drive IWT, and suggests that supporting rural communities through alternative livelihoods is the most effective way to reduce pathogen spill-over risk.

The document analyzes the impact of China's Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) and the Trans-Asian Railway (TAR) Network on rail standardization, specifically the shift toward high-speed, standard-gauge rail. Using examples from Malaysia, Cambodia, and Lao PDR, it highlights that while technical standards are a concern, the primary challenges are project costs, debt sustainability, and the need for cross-border trade facilitation. The author recommends that African nations prioritize integrated regional planning, transparency in procurement, and low-carbon transport strategies to maximize the development impacts of rail expansion.

The document argues that while the AU's PIDA PAP 2 prioritises 69 regional projects, many of which cross fragile and conflict-affected states (FCAS), there is a lack of integrated policy linking infrastructure development with peace and security (P&S). It highlights that over half of the 39 global FCAS are in Africa and that approximately 48% of PIDA projects involve at least one such country. The brief recommends establishing cross-sectoral coordination between AU departments, creating conflict-specific project templates and terms of reference under the PIDA Service Delivery Mechanism (SDM), and hosting a knowledge centre within AUDA-NEPAD to collect evidence on infrastructure's impact on peacebuilding. It emphasizes that while large-scale projects can enhance state authority, they risk fueling corruption or conflict without in-depth, Africa-specific conflict assessments and community-driven development components.