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The Mitigation Work Programme (MWP), established at COP27 to scale up actions for the 1.5°C goal, operates as a non-punitive and non-prescriptive framework respecting national sovereignty. Recent SB62 outcomes show agreement on the MWP's role in facilitating dialogue, but highlight significant disagreements regarding the integration of Global Stocktake outcomes, links to NDCs, and the utility of a proposed digital platform. Party positions vary: the EU, Switzerland, and Australia advocate for a fossil fuel phase-out roadmap; the Africa Group and Arab States oppose mandate expansion; and AOSIS emphasizes urgent alignment with the 1.5°C goal. An informal note will guide discussions toward COP30, with a specific focus on waste sector mitigation and circular economy approaches during a global dialogue event in Addis Ababa on September 5th-6th, 2025.

The document reports that there are 144 NAMAs globally, with 41% located in Latin America and 39% focused on energy supply. It highlights that 60% of NAMA activities are integrated into national policies and strategies. Regarding finance, 94 NAMAs are awaiting funding, while only a small number have received partial or full funding from entities such as the Global Environment Facility (GEF) and the NAMA Facility.

Saglan Wajee General Hospital, located in Holeta Town, Oromia, is transitioning from a healthcare provider to Ethiopia's first full-fledged health insurance company after participating in FSD Africa's BimaLab Insurtech Accelerator Program. The hospital developed 'Efoy', a micro-health insurance product targeting low and middle-income families. Efoy 1.0 attracted over 1,200 customers in its first year, and the subsequent Efoy 2.0 expanded coverage for chronic patients and families, adding approximately 900 more patients. Through BimaLab, the hospital established a relationship with the National Bank of Ethiopia, leading to the issuance of a license that had been frozen for 14 years. The hospital plans to launch 'Family Medical Network' as its insurance company, expand into Addis Ababa, and integrate 130 health facilities into its network.

The document outlines systemic financing barriers in Africa, noting that climate tech start-ups, nature-based enterprises, and women entrepreneurs—particularly in Francophone West Africa—struggle to access necessary investment. It highlights that Africa receives only 6% of global biodiversity funding and that in Senegal, only 3.5% of women entrepreneurs access formal finance. A specific case study focuses on Saglan Wajee General Hospital in Ethiopia, which, supported by FSD Africa's BimaLab, launched 'Efoy', a micro-health insurance product. Efoy 1.0 attracted over 1,200 customers in its first year, and the subsequent Efoy 2.0 has reached 900 new clients, providing affordable coverage for low- and middle-income families.

The report argues that African cities face a critical choice between unsustainable 'business-as-usual' urban sprawl and a '3CR' model (compact, connected, clean, and resilient). Using economic modelling for 35 major cities in Ethiopia, Kenya, and South Africa, it demonstrates that while incremental investments of US$280 billion are needed by 2050, the net present value of benefits is significantly positive. It identifies systemic barriers—including poor municipal creditworthiness and restrictive national laws—and proposes four national enabling mechanisms and six specific financial instruments to unlock private and public capital.

The report examines the role of South-South and Triangular Cooperation (SSTC) in fostering sustainable urban development and climate resilience in the Global South. It highlights the importance of the New Urban Agenda and the 2030 Agenda, arguing that traditional North-South cooperation is insufficient. Through various case studies from Africa, Asia, and Latin America, the document demonstrates how cities share knowledge on green transportation, water management, and urban planning. Key examples include Shenzhen's carbon trading, India's water resilience efforts, and Mexico City's green bonds. The report concludes that while cities are critical to the 'climate battle,' they often face institutional and financial barriers that SSTC can help overcome through peer-to-peer learning and innovative financing.

On 7 November, Malagasy political actors agreed to a collegial leadership structure for the transition government, where President Andy Rajoelina shares executive power with two co-presidents from the camps of former Presidents Marc Ravalomanana and Albert Zafy. The agreement requires all three leaders to approve and sign major decisions. The author expresses skepticism about the stability of this 'triumvirate' model, citing a failed historical precedent in Benin and ongoing tensions over strategic ministerial portfolios such as Defense, Finance, and Foreign Affairs. The briefing notes that SADC pressure and the need for credible elections by the end of 2010 are central to the process, while the long-term stability of Madagascar depends on the shifting power dynamics between Rajoelina and Ravalomanana.

The briefing examines the failure of MONUC and the Congolese army (FARDC) to contain rebel movements in eastern DRC, highlighting allegations that MONUC provided logistical support to the FARDC during operations that benefited FDLR rebels. It details how neighboring countries—Uganda, Tanzania, and Burundi—illegally support the FDLR through gold trade, weapons supply, and recruitment. The text argues that regional agreements, such as those from the Tripartite Plus Joint Commission and the Nairobi Communiqué, are being undermined by a lack of stakeholder commitment and international failures, including the presence of FDLR leaders in Germany and France. The author calls for a comprehensive strategy to neutralize all armed groups and a reformed disarmament approach for the FDLR.

President Joyce Banda of Malawi has stated the country will cooperate with the International Criminal Court (ICC) and arrest Sudanese President Omar Al-Bashir if he attends the African Union summit in July. This position contradicts the African Union's instruction to member states not to cooperate with the ICC in this case, potentially creating tension between Malawi and other AU members. The move is viewed as a pragmatic effort to restore Malawi's international image and secure necessary foreign aid, following criticism of a previous visit by Al-Bashir. Additionally, the document notes Malawi's democratic progress through the repeal of a repressive media law, while expressing concern that President Banda has weakened civil society by co-opting its members into her cabinet.

The document outlines a research paper that examines the establishment of the United States Africa Command (AFRICOM), analyzing US foreign policy toward Africa and the resulting positive and negative implications for both the US and the African continent.

This document is a draft agenda for the Twelfth Ordinary Session of the Assembly of the African Union, scheduled for February 1-3, 2009, in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia.

The report details a seminar held in Addis Ababa on February 12, 2009, which analyzed the outcomes of the 12th Ordinary Summit of the African Union. Key discussions focused on the low implementation rate of AU Assembly decisions, the legal challenges of transforming the AU Commission into an Authority, and the AU's response to the International Criminal Court's indictment of the President of Sudan.

The document examines the transition of women who joined the Tigrean People’s Liberation Army (TPLF) as children and were demobilised in 1992/1993. It highlights how the TPLF's ideology of gender equality empowered these women, contrasting their internalised beliefs in equality and self-confidence with the traditional, patriarchal norms of Ethiopian civilian society. The study finds that while demobilisation led to a sense of loss regarding collective identity and practical difficulties in managing households, the experience of being a fighter provided lasting benefits in education, autonomy, and political assertiveness.

The report examines a small sample of eleven women who joined the TPLF as children and later transitioned to civilian life. It finds that while these women gained significant empowerment, education, and a belief in gender equality during their military service, they faced 'culture shock' upon reintegration into a traditional Ethiopian society. The study highlights a disconnect between the egalitarian values of the TPLF and the patriarchal norms of civilian life, leading to challenges in domestic roles and economic stability. It argues that for women recruited as children, demobilisation is not merely a return to society but a new socialisation process, challenging the 'victim' narrative often associated with child soldiers.

The document examines the conflict between Ethiopia and Egypt over the proposed Great Millennium Dam, a project with a 5,250 megawatt capacity. Egypt has expressed concerns regarding its water quota and has threatened military action, while Ethiopia links Egyptian access to the site to the signing of the Cooperative Framework Agreement (CFA). The dispute is framed by the CFA, which is supported by several upper Nile Basin states but rejected by Egypt, and is further complicated by the independence of Southern Sudan.

The document reports on a seminar held in Addis Ababa on November 17, 2009, which discussed the potential for conflict arising from the lack of a comprehensive framework for sharing the Nile and Lake Victoria water resources. Participants identified several drivers of instability, including dwindling resources, colonial boundary demarcations, and the influence of trade syndicates and the World Bank.

The report analyzes the evolution of the Forum on China–Africa Cooperation (FOCAC) from its inception in 2000 through the 2006 Beijing summit. It argues that FOCAC provides a 'win-win' framework for South-South cooperation, contrasting China's pragmatic, non-interference approach with Western conditional aid. The document details China's economic model, its strategic need for African raw materials (particularly oil), and the specific financial commitments made to African infrastructure, health, and debt relief. It concludes that while China offers significant opportunities for growth, African nations must improve their own governance and strategic coordination to maximize these benefits.

This 2018 policy brief by the SAIS China-Africa Research Initiative analyzes the nature of Chinese manufacturing investments in Ethiopia, Ghana, Nigeria, and Tanzania. Based on fieldwork from 2014 to 2016, the authors identify four distinct types of Chinese firms—categorized as 'geese'—investing in African manufacturing, ranging from large global supply chain actors to small opportunistic clusters. The report examines the impact of these investments on local value addition, technology transfer, labor relations, and the environment.

This policy brief examines the development of railway infrastructure in Ethiopia, comparing the Chinese-funded Addis Ababa-Djibouti standard gauge railway (SGR) with the Turkish-built Awash-Kombolcha-Hara Gebeya/Weldiya (AKH) line. It analyzes the trade-offs between different financing models, the effectiveness of technology transfer and capacity building, and the role of Ethiopian government agency in project design.

This policy brief by the South African Institute of International Affairs examines the gap between the African Union's (AU) normative commitments to democracy and human rights and the actual foreign policies of its member states. The author argues that strong sovereignty norms and a state-centric approach have hindered the domestication of human rights, leading to a state of 'stasis' or reversal in several countries. The brief recommends that the AU embrace global partnerships with civil society and that pivotal states like South Africa rejuvenate human rights as a core pillar of their external engagements to ensure continental stability.