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The document outlines a regional readiness program for 11 ECOWAS Member States to enhance their ability to mobilize climate finance for the agricultural sector. It focuses on operationalizing a climate unit within the ECOWAS Commission, developing a pool of regional climate finance experts, and creating a digital library of climate-smart agricultural practices. The program aims to bridge the gap between the colossal financial needs for climate adaptation in West African agriculture—estimated at $162 billion—and the actual funding received, while ensuring gender-responsive risk assessments and the alignment of regional policies like ECOWAP with the Paris Agreement.

The author contends that Nigeria's security crises are fundamentally linked to its economic situation, where systemic poverty—exacerbated by political mismanagement and state failure—drives citizens toward crime. The paper details regional security threats, from jihadist violence in the North-East to oil theft in the South-South, and identifies specific failures such as the ineffective fuel subsidy regime, lack of infrastructure investment, and high youth unemployment. It concludes that without a shift toward selfless leadership and growth-oriented policies, the 2023 elections are unlikely to break this cycle of instability.

The report argues that while Nigeria has comprehensive national adaptation frameworks, there is a significant gap between high-level policy and local implementation. It highlights that locally led adaptation (LLA) is already occurring through community-driven initiatives in biogas production, aquaculture, and erosion control, but these efforts are hindered by a lack of finance, technical capacity, and political will. The authors advocate for a shift from 'top-down' approaches to those that empower frontline communities to lead the design and monitoring of adaptation actions.

The March 2022 attacks on the Abuja-Kaduna railway, which resulted in deaths and 168 kidnappings, indicate a shift toward targeting state infrastructure by bandits and violent extremists. These groups, including Boko Haram and Ansaru, fund their operations through a kidnapping economy, with an estimated US$18.34 million paid in ransoms between 2011 and 2020. The attacks threaten the economic viability of the railway, which generates N300 million monthly, and highlight the need for intelligence-led security and the resolution of underlying socio-economic issues like poverty and corruption.

The report examines the role of informal waste reclaimers in African cities, highlighting their significant contribution to recycling and waste diversion despite facing severe health risks, social marginalization, and low pay. It argues that the current linear 'take-make-waste' model is unsustainable and that an 'inclusive circular economy' must integrate these vulnerable workers into formal policy and value chains. The document provides a comparative analysis of the informal waste sector in Ghana, Kenya, Nigeria, South Africa, and Uganda, detailing specific policy gaps and opportunities for reclaimer integration and formalization.

Vaya Energy and Schneider Electric installed a solar-powered microgrid at the Dakwa Primary Health Centre in Nigeria to provide 24/7 electricity to a facility that had lacked grid power since 2014. The project, funded via corporate social responsibility, enabled the use of vaccine refrigerators and night-time lighting, contributing to a 50-60% reduction in maternal and child mortality and an 80% increase in night-time deliveries. While successful as a pilot, the document notes that non-profit health centres in marginalised communities cannot afford the upfront costs of solar installation without coordinated support from governments and private entities.

The document assesses the feasibility of dialogue between governments and violent extremist groups in the Lake Chad Basin based on a survey of 31 civil society organization representatives. While many respondents support exploring dialogue due to the failure of purely militarized responses, significant barriers exist, including deep mistrust, unclear extremist motivations, and ideological conflicts regarding the implementation of Sharia law. The brief recommends that governments conduct further research into actor motivations and initiate nationwide discussions to secure community buy-in.

Nigeria faces a severe deficit in basic physical infrastructure, particularly in sanitation, water, electricity, and roads, which hinders economic growth and human development. Benchmarked against lower middle-income peers, Nigeria lags significantly, and current trajectories suggest it will miss several Sustainable Development Goals by 2030. The report models several interventions, finding that increasing access to improved sanitation and clean water provides the highest returns for poverty reduction and health outcomes. However, achieving these targets requires overcoming significant challenges in government capacity, funding, and a heavy reliance on oil revenues.

The report examines Nigerian citizens' views on Boko Haram, identifying a complex interplay of financial incentives, lack of education, and a desire for belonging as primary recruitment drivers. It highlights a deep distrust of Nigerian political institutions and local government, contrasted with higher trust in the presidency and religious leaders. The study finds that while many citizens favor military action, there is significant support for non-military solutions and a strong belief that corruption is a primary security threat. Funding is perceived to come largely from politicians and other terrorist groups, though criminal activities also contribute.

The document argues that fuel subsidy reform is essential for Nigeria's economic diversification but requires a 'portfolio approach' to compensation to prevent social unrest and protect the poor. It proposes seven specific programs—including transport vouchers, mass transit schemes, and e-wallets for farmers—with an estimated first-year budget of ₦250 billion (USD 1.3 billion). The report emphasizes that these measures should be implemented through existing ministries rather than new institutions, with oversight provided by a new Directorate for Subsidy Reinvestment Monitoring under the National Planning Commission.

The document examines how ECOWAS implements the African Peace and Security Architecture (APSA), focusing on 'sustaining peace' through conflict prevention, mediation, and peacebuilding. It highlights ECOWAS's sophisticated early warning system (ECOWARN) and its recent institutionalization of mediation through a new directorate, while noting significant gaps in post-conflict reconstruction and development (PCRD). The paper argues for clearer definitions of comparative advantage and subsidiarity between ECOWAS and the African Union (AU) to avoid duplication and improve regional stability.

The April 2011 elections in Nigeria were viewed as a significant improvement over previous polls, though they were marred by pre-election violence and post-election unrest in the north. Incumbent President Goodluck Jonathan won the presidency with 58.89% of the vote, while his rival Muhammadu Buhari dominated the northern states. The document highlights deep-seated systemic issues, including the 'resource curse' of oil, widespread corruption among the political elite, and the collapse of the 'zoning' consensus intended to balance regional power. Despite the role of a vibrant civil society and an independent judiciary, the author argues that without visionary leadership and major reforms in the oil industry and public sector, the prospect of genuine good governance remains slim.

The policy brief examines the broad economic relationship between China and Nigeria, highlighting significant investments in oil, infrastructure, and agriculture, while identifying the banking sector as an under-developed area for future cooperation. It details existing financial links, such as the involvement of the Industrial and Commercial Bank of China (ICBC) and First Bank, and suggests that current reforms in the Nigerian banking sector create opportunities for Chinese acquisitions and investments. The author notes that while past projects were often marred by corruption, the banking sector offers a new avenue for mutual economic benefit and regional expansion.

The document analyzes the regulatory reforms in the Nigerian banking sector and the broader scope of Chinese economic diplomacy in Nigeria, suggesting that the banking sector represents an understudied but promising area for further Sino-Nigerian cooperation.

The document analyzes the bilateral relationship between Nigeria and China, noting a shift in strategy following the transition from President Olusegun Obasanjo to Umaru Musa Yar’Adua. It argues that the 'oil for infrastructure' model failed due to Nigeria's electoral cycle and governance issues, leading China to adopt a lower-risk strategy of purchasing established oil companies. Despite political volatility, Chinese multinational companies continue to expand their market share in Nigeria's construction, telecommunications, and power sectors due to competitive pricing and access to state-backed credit.

The Handbook for African Civil Society outlines the operational framework of the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM), a tool for intra-African governance review. It details the five stages of the review process—from self-assessment to official publication—and the continental and national structures that manage it. The guide emphasizes that CSOs must take proactive leadership 'upstream' rather than waiting for government invitations to ensure their interests are represented in National Governance Commissions and National Programmes of Action. It identifies four key review areas: democracy and political governance, economic governance, corporate governance, and socio-economic development. The document also analyzes barriers to CSO engagement, such as fear of governments, lack of resources, and internal disorganization, while offering strategies to influence power centers including the APRM Panel, the Continental Secretariat, and national parliaments.

The author contends that sustainable peace and civilian protection in Africa require a differentiated strategic approach to security, linking short-term cessation of hostilities with long-term security sector transformation. Using the Darfur Peace Agreement (DPA) as a primary case study, the paper critiques 'deadline diplomacy' and the tendency of mediators to treat security arrangements as technical 'add-ons' rather than central strategic terrain. The author argues that the Abuja process failed because it forced a comprehensive political settlement on unwilling parties instead of first establishing an effective, enforceable ceasefire and civilian protection process to create the necessary political space and trust.

The report examines the business relationship between South Africa and Nigeria, highlighting the opportunities presented by Nigeria's large market and the significant hurdles faced by investors. Key challenges include systemic corruption, poor infrastructure—particularly in the power sector—and a lack of policy predictability. While the report notes that the return to democracy in 1999 and the introduction of the National Economic Empowerment and Development Strategy (NEEDS) have improved the investment climate, it emphasizes that Nigeria remains a high-risk environment. The document also details the specific impact of South African firms like MTN and the broader economic landscape, including the dominance of the oil and gas sector and the emerging 'new economy' driven by the Nigerian diaspora.

The report examines the business environment in Nigeria from the perspective of South African investors, highlighting the tension between the country's massive market potential and its systemic structural failures. While the return to democracy in 1999 and the introduction of the National Economic Empowerment and Development Strategy (NEEDS) have improved foreign direct investment (FDI) and political stability, South African firms continue to face high costs due to poor infrastructure, rampant corruption, and unpredictable policy-making. The document details the success of companies like MTN and the failures of others like Vodacom, while providing specific policy recommendations for both the Nigerian and South African governments to foster a more stable and transparent bilateral economic relationship.

The document analyzes the NEPAD African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM), detailing its five-stage review process, its organizational structure involving the APR Forum and Panel of Eminent Persons, and its complex relationship with the African Union. It highlights the tension between political governance review and economic governance, the role of partner institutions like the UNECA and the African Commission on Human and Peoples' Rights, and the challenges of financing and institutional capacity in ensuring the mechanism's efficacy.