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The document examines the shift in Indonesia's foreign economic policy from nationalistic and protectionist roots toward a neo-liberal approach characterized by trade and investment liberalization. It identifies external pressures, such as IMF structural adjustments and regional integration (ASEAN), and internal influences, including intellectual elites and the private sector, as primary drivers. Despite this trend, the author notes persistent domestic protectionism and a fundamental contradiction between these policies and Article 33 of the Indonesian constitution, which emphasizes a family-based, state-controlled economy.

The document analyzes how China can align its trade policies with a 'sustainable trade strategy' consisting of five core objectives: rebalancing the economy, increasing added value, promoting services, advancing Chinese brands/IP, and supporting a harmonious international trade architecture. It argues that while macroeconomic tools are best for rebalancing, other goals can be pursued through a mix of reciprocal trade agreements, soft-law initiatives, and unilateral measures. The authors suggest that in the near-to-medium term, China should prioritize regional dialogue-driven measures and soft-law agreements in East Asia, as well as ensuring compatibility with global climate change accords, rather than relying solely on the WTO, where progress is slower.

The report examines the tension between trade growth and environmental sustainability in the Greater Mekong Subregion, highlighting how trade liberalization and infrastructure development contribute to environmental degradation. It identifies a lack of legally binding environmental commitments and weak enforcement capacities as primary obstacles. The document proposes specific measures to combat illegal wildlife and timber trade and suggests mainstreaming climate change into the ASEAN Institutional Framework for Economic Cooperation.

The document examines the tension between infrastructure and trade facilitation improvements in the Greater Mekong Subregion and the resulting increased risk of illegal wildlife and timber trafficking. It argues that while these measures ease the movement of goods, they also provide illegal traders with easier access to transport routes, potentially depleting biodiversity. The study recommends that policymakers assess risks, coordinate with customs, and negotiate stricter protocols for the Cross Border Transport Agreement to mitigate these adverse effects.

The report examines how ecolabelling, while intended as a trade-positive tool, often acts as a barrier to trade in developing countries due to high implementation costs. In the Greater Mekong Subregion, environmental standards are in early stages and are primarily driven by the requirements of developed country markets for industrial products, neglecting domestic environmental impacts. The document recommends building national standards bodies, increasing public capacity building, and improving policy-maker knowledge to balance trade growth with environmental protection.

The briefing examines the tension between economic growth and environmental sustainability in the Mekong subregion (Cambodia, Lao PDR, Myanmar, Thailand, and Vietnam) and ASEAN. It argues that while regional strategies and national laws exist, actual commitment to environmental protection in trade policy remains low, often driven more by foreign donor interests than by regional political will. The author highlights the 'ASEAN Way' of non-binding consensus as a barrier to enforcement and recommends strengthening regional ownership and civil society engagement.

The document examines the tension between rapid economic transition and environmental degradation in the Greater Mekong Subregion (GMS). It highlights how trade liberalization and infrastructure development, such as economic corridors and hydropower projects, have contributed to soil erosion and illegal wildlife and timber trade. While regional frameworks like the ASEAN Regional Action Plan on Trade in Wild Fauna and Flora and the Singapore Declaration on Climate Change exist, the report argues they are often non-binding 'soft law' and lack enforcement capacity. It specifically notes that climate change is expected to increase basin-wide temperatures by 0.79C and flooding by 2030. The author recommends that GMS countries coordinate conservation laws, establish a unified greenhouse gas inventory system, and subject trading mechanisms to formal climate risk assessments to move beyond 'token commitments'.

The fact sheet examines the tension between trade growth and environmental sustainability in the Mekong Subregion, noting that while regional strategies like the 'Green ASEAN' vision exist, implementation is hindered by national political obstacles and a lack of transparency. It highlights the negative impact of illegal wildlife and timber trade, the limited influence of domestic civil society, and the dominant role of foreign donors in driving environmental mainstreaming into trade policy.

The report finds that while Southeast Asian nations have adopted environmental legislation, these concerns are frequently sidelined by industrialization and trade liberalization goals. In the Mekong subregion (Cambodia, Lao PDR, Myanmar, Thailand, and Vietnam), the integration of environmental sustainability into trade policy is primarily driven by foreign donors rather than regional institutions like the Asian Development Bank or the Mekong River Commission. While Thailand shows progress through judicial intervention and business awareness, and Vietnam through donor-funded strategic plans, regional agreements like the ASEAN-China Free Trade Agreement lack environmental cooperation provisions. The report concludes that the 'ASEAN Way' of soft law and a lack of administrative capacity hinder enforcement, and recommends strengthening regional ownership and coordination between donors and the ASEAN Secretariat.

The report examines the role of ecolabelling and environmental standards in the Greater Mekong Subregion (GMS) and the wider ASEAN region. It argues that while these tools are intended to be 'trade-positive', they often function as barriers to trade for GMS countries due to high costs and inadequate technological infrastructure. The analysis reveals that ecolabelling in the GMS is primarily export-oriented, targeting developed markets like the EU, while intraregional trade in primary products remains largely unregulated by environmental standards. The report concludes with recommendations to build national standards bodies, foster a domestic culture of environmental consciousness, and enhance ASEAN-wide cooperation on common standards.

The paper reviews China's rapid growth in foreign trade since 1978, highlighting its shift from primary commodity exports to manufactured goods. It identifies critical challenges, including a high dependence on external energy and resources, low value-added exports due to a lack of intellectual property rights, and increasing trade frictions with partners like the US and EU. The author proposes a 'sustainable trade strategy' based on three pillars: economic, social, and environmental sustainability. Key recommendations include upgrading manufacturing to increase value-added, expanding the service sector, reducing the export of energy-intensive and polluting products, and fostering the growth of Chinese multinational corporations.

The document examines Singapore's use of financial incentives to attract foreign direct investment (FDI) in the biomedical sciences (BMS) sector. While the sector saw significant growth in FDI and employment between 2000 and 2007, the report notes that its total employment capacity is limited compared to other manufacturing sectors like electronics. It argues that incentives must be part of a broader industrial policy to avoid reducing national welfare through competitive bidding and suggests focusing on specific disease areas where Singapore has a comparative advantage.

The report argues that trade liberalization in Southeast Asia often marginalizes women because policy-makers incorrectly view macro-economics and trade instruments as gender-neutral. While liberalization can create new employment and income opportunities, poor women remain particularly vulnerable. The document identifies five areas of gender divergence: job segregation, the paid/unpaid labour divide, household resource distribution, access to state redistribution, and financial market credit. It recommends that ASEAN and member states conduct gender-oriented reviews of trade initiatives, provide access to social safety nets, and invest in capacity building to eradicate discrimination and enable women to benefit from economic openness.

The report examines how trade liberalization in Southeast Asia affects women across the manufacturing, agricultural, and services sectors. It argues that trade policies are typically 'gender blind,' ignoring the asymmetric impacts on women due to existing social and economic inequalities. While liberalization has created some employment opportunities, it has also led to wage gaps, poor working conditions, and increased vulnerability for poor women. The document concludes that women's participation in high-level policymaking has not translated into gender-sensitive trade policies and recommends putting women at the center of trade analysis and providing social safety nets.

The document examines Singapore's strategic shift toward a knowledge-based economy by developing a globally competitive biomedical sciences (BMS) sector to mitigate the decline of the electronics industry. It details the use of financial incentives, infrastructure like the Biopolis hub, and R&D subsidies to attract multinational corporations (MNCs) and foster a high-value-added industry. While the strategy successfully increased foreign direct investment (FDI) and high-quality employment, the report notes limited spillover effects for domestic small and medium-sized firms and suggests focusing on niche disease areas and ASEAN regional integration for future growth.

The document argues that a proposed Indonesia-EU FTA (IEUFTA) could deepen economic imbalances unless Indonesia's development interests are prioritized. It identifies key friction points including policy space, market access barriers, and the risk of 'WTO-plus' commitments that could marginalize poor populations.

The document analyzes the legal implications of defining 'investment' in international investment agreements (IIAs). It contrasts the traditional, broad asset-based definitions—often modeled on early German treaties—with more recent, precise approaches adopted by Canada, the U.S., ASEAN, and COMESA. The author highlights the tension between 'objective' and 'subjective' tests used by ICSID tribunals to determine jurisdiction, warning states that vague definitions can lead to unexpected arbitral rulings that exceed domestic legal understandings of foreign investment.

The document explores the tension between 'mainstream' and 'progressive' regionalism in Southeast Asia. It argues that while ASEAN has introduced a 'people-oriented' approach to gain support, civil society advocates for a 'people-centred' model where citizens are at the heart of decision-making. The author details the evolution of civil society engagement, from early academic and business influence via ASEAN-ISIS to more aggressive advocacy by networks like the Solidarity for Asian People’s Advocacies (SAPA). The paper concludes that alternative regionalism is emerging as a bottom-up process seeking to integrate human rights, social protection, and democratic participation into the regional framework.

The paper argues that ASEAN's pursuit of sustainable development remains largely rhetorical, as its economic integration initiatives—such as AFTA and the AEC—often prioritize neoliberal open regionalism over the needs of marginalized groups. While the region has seen growth, significant disparities persist, with 21% of the population living in absolute poverty. The author suggests that ASEAN can become a development-oriented organization by reforming its policy of non-interference, empowering semi-skilled migrant workers and small-scale farmers, and increasing transparency in policymaking.

The document assesses the rapid growth of the tourism sector in Lao PDR, highlighting its role as a priority export and its reliance on the country's natural environment. It contrasts the benefits of ecotourism, such as conservation advocacy and community income, with the risks of unplanned development, citing water pollution and waste issues in Vang Vieng. The paper argues that while regional integration through ASEAN and the WTO drives growth, strict capacity management and stronger private-sector engagement are necessary to protect the natural assets that underpin the industry.