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The report argues that the increasing commercialisation of science and technology, driven by government policy in the UK and USA, has eroded the traditional academic ethos of openness and objectivity. Through case studies of the pharmaceutical, tobacco, military/defence, oil and gas, and biotechnology sectors, the authors demonstrate that corporate funding often leads to 'sponsorship bias', where results are skewed to favour funders. The document highlights the marginalisation of public-interest research—such as disease prevention, sustainable agriculture, and renewable energy—in favour of profit-driven goals. It concludes with recommendations for universities to adopt ethical standards for partnerships and for the UK government to decouple science policy from purely economic objectives.

The document examines the rapid decline of Arctic sea ice and the potential for geoengineering, specifically solar radiation management, as a last-resort insurance policy. It critiques the 'business-as-usual' approach of Arctic nations that prioritize resource extraction over climate mitigation and proposes that the Arctic Council use its scientific legitimacy and inclusive structure to frame the geoengineering debate and conduct necessary research.

The document argues that the 2004 Model BIT prioritizes investor rights over public interest, specifically regarding sustainable development, environmental protection, and health and safety. The authors criticize the investor-State dispute settlement (ISDS) mechanism for bypassing domestic courts and lacking appellate review. They contend the model fails the 'no greater rights' standard by using broad definitions of investment and expropriation that deviate from U.S. Supreme Court precedent. Key recommendations include replacing ISDS with state-to-state dispute settlement, requiring the exhaustion of domestic remedies, and introducing general exceptions for health, safety, and environmental measures.

IISD supports the renewal of the Internet Governance Forum's (IGF) mandate, praising its success in multistakeholder engagement and its role as a unique international policy dialogue venue. However, the report highlights significant gaps in the IGF's impact on the sustainable development community and its failure to effectively integrate issues like climate change and the Millennium Development Goals. IISD argues that the IGF lacks sufficient analytic capacity and transparency in its Multistakeholder Advisory Group (MAG) governance. To evolve, the report recommends that the IGF establish themed working groups, strengthen linkages with national and regional forums, and move beyond a 'core community' to engage broader public policy actors, including those in the environment and rights sectors.

The document evaluates the Internet Governance Forum (IGF) as a pioneering multi-stakeholder mechanism for global Internet governance. It argues that the IGF should be maintained because it defuses tensions over the U.S. oversight of ICANN and provides an open space for developing countries to address issues like access, security, and open standards. The report suggests that the 'Internet model'—characterized by shared ownership and bottom-up collaboration—could provide valuable lessons for the governance of other critical technologies, including those related to climate change and geo-engineering. It concludes by recommending that a second mandate for the IGF should focus on better integrating developing country concerns and mainstreaming sustainable development goals.

The report details a March 2009 workshop in Vancouver where 32 diverse Canadian stakeholders discussed the future of the Internet through the lens of sustainability. Participants analyzed four scenarios—government-regulated, unregulated market, VIPnet (elite-only), and Internet commons—to identify critical uncertainties and policy needs. Key recommendations include pursuing universal broadband access, integrating ICT into national greenhouse gas reduction strategies, and establishing a Canadian Internet Governance Forum. The report argues that Canada needs a more unified, holistic ICT policy function within the government to ensure the Internet serves human and environmental needs rather than just economic growth.

The document examines Africa's shift toward diverse global partnerships to foster development, peace, and security. It analyzes the structural goals of the African Economic Community (AEC) and the New Partnership for Africa's Development (NEPAD) while critiquing the impact of globalization and 'economic imperialism'. The author details specific frameworks such as the Africa-India Forum, the Joint Africa-EU Strategy, the Forum on China-Africa Cooperation (FOCAC), and the Africa-South America Summit, noting a 'new scramble for Africa' driven by the demand for natural resources. The paper argues that while these partnerships offer opportunities, African nations must reclaim responsibility for their own development paths to avoid repeating colonial patterns of exploitation.

The report analyzes the Clean Development Mechanism's (CDM) successes and failures, noting a heavy concentration of projects in China, India, and Brazil, while Africa remains largely sidelined. It argues that current project-based modalities and stringent additionality rules create high transaction costs and barriers for Least Developed Countries (LDCs). The authors propose shifting toward programmatic CDM to support small-scale projects and sectoral CDM to address heavy industry, specifically analyzing the Chinese iron and steel sector. Key recommendations include retiring CERs to ensure global emission reductions and reforming additionality testing to be more pragmatic and inclusive.

CDM Watch argues that the Clean Development Mechanism (CDM) has failed to meet its core objectives of climate change mitigation and sustainable development. The organization identifies five critical shortcomings: poor environmental integrity, minimal contribution to sustainable development, inadequate governance of the Executive Board, lack of transparency, and poor performance by Designated Operational Entities (DOEs). To rectify these, CDM Watch recommends transforming the Executive Board into a supervisory committee, delegating case decisions to a professional support structure, ensuring member impartiality and immunity, and improving documentation and observer access.

The report analyzes the performance of Kyoto Protocol mechanisms—International Emissions Trading (IET), Joint Implementation (JI), and the Clean Development Mechanism (CDM)—and explores proposals for a post-2012 regime. It discusses the potential for an allocation-based Market Mechanism for Sustainable Development (MMSD), REDD, and the expansion of the CDM to include carbon capture and storage (CCS), nuclear energy, and sectoral crediting. The document highlights critical challenges for future agreements, including the environmental integrity of credits, the issue of additionality, and the need for ambitious developed-country targets to ensure demand for credits from developing nations.

The report examines the rise of foreign land and water acquisitions driven by food, energy, and water security concerns. It highlights a shift from market-driven comparative advantage to 'long-distance farming' to meet home-state needs. The authors analyze how the interaction between domestic law, international investment contracts, and international investment agreements (IIAs) often prioritizes foreign investor rights over local users and sustainable development goals, potentially limiting host governments' ability to regulate for public health, environment, or food security.

The report examines the integration of sustainable development into Peru's trade policies, noting that external pressures from the EU and the US-Peru FTA drove the adoption of environmental and social clauses. While these clauses were accepted by the state to secure economic liberalization, they are viewed as opportunities by NGOs and labor unions. Implementation is hindered by labor market informality and institutional weakness, while the trade framework now shapes domestic debates on energy and agriculture.

The report examines how sustainable development issues are increasingly integrated into Brazil's trade and investment agendas despite official government resistance to linking these issues in multilateral negotiations. It highlights the role of agro-industrial sectors, international investment, and domestic political evolution in driving this shift, while noting the pressure from developed countries' unilateral standards.

Chile has actively integrated environmental and labor clauses into many of its free trade agreements, driven by foreign policy coherence, partner demands, and a desire to improve international competitiveness. However, these commitments are not reflected in its foreign direct investment (FDI) policies, and climate change is only beginning to be recognized as a significant trade factor. The report notes that deficiencies in national labor and environmental compliance persist, and suggests that Chile faces a risk of becoming a destination for carbon-intensive industries as developed nations reduce their own emissions.

The report analyzes how sustainable development issues enter Argentina's trade and investment agenda, noting that external pressures are significant for environmental and food safety standards but less so for labor and climate change. It highlights Argentina's unique position due to its lack of north-south trade agreements and its low-polluting economic structure, while emphasizing the need for a holistic, coordinated approach to manage future international commitments and unilateral measures.

The report examines the shift in South American countries from a defensive posture toward sustainable development in trade to the acceptance of environmental and labor chapters in free-trade agreements. It identifies vulnerabilities stemming from resource-intensive exports and informal labor, warns of high adaptation costs for new technical standards, and highlights the tension between attracting investment and preventing the transfer of carbon-intensive industries.

The report outlines civil society recommendations for sustainable commodity production, emphasizing the need for national-level needs assessments, participatory governance, and the strengthening of producer organizations. It advocates for reforms in Official Development Assistance (ODA), the creation of an export diversification fund, and improved access to high-value markets and finance for smallholders. The document also stresses the importance of South-South trade and the role of international commodity bodies as hubs for information sharing.

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The research paper examines the marginal role of Least Developed Countries (LDCs) in the Clean Development Mechanism (CDM) and evaluates whether preferential access to the EU ETS can increase their participation. It finds that such access is insufficient unless underlying barriers—including limited institutional capacity, lack of financing, and high transaction costs—are addressed. The authors use supply-demand scenarios for 2013-2020 and a comparison with the Lomé Conventions in agricultural trade to argue that financial incentives for high-value projects and reduced access costs are more critical than market access alone.

The research paper evaluates the impact of approximately 43 million Euros spent on CDM capacity building in Africa and LDCs over a decade. It finds that while institutional support for establishing Designated National Authorities (DNAs) was generally successful, subsidies for project development were largely ineffective, resulting in a high implicit cost per registered project. The authors argue that a holistic approach coordinating the entire CDM process is necessary for better outcomes.