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CIEL opposes the validation of the Coastal Gujarat Power Ltd. project, citing a failure to properly record local stakeholder concerns in the Project Design Document (PDD) and alleging that the project's use of a once-through sea water cooling system violates Indian environmental law and harms marine ecology.

The document is a budget vote speech by Minister Shabangu detailing a R1,036 billion budget for the 2011/12 financial year. Key priorities include the review of the Mineral and Petroleum Resources Development Act (MPRDA), the implementation of the SAMRAD online licensing system, and a moratorium on shale gas exploration in the Karoo. The Minister emphasizes the need for beneficiation, the rehabilitation of derelict mines, and improvements in mine health and safety following an increase in fatalities.

The report examines the global copper supply chain, focusing on China's role as the world's largest consumer. It analyzes two primary flows: recycled copper scrap (Flow C) and primary copper mining products (Flow D). The document identifies sustainability challenges, including the illegal import of e-waste into China and weak regulatory enforcement in mining regions like Zambia. It evaluates the impact of international policies, such as the EU's WEEE and ELV Directives, and provides recommendations for improving data quality, formalizing recycling infrastructure, and strengthening government capacity in developing nations.

The brief, submitted by member organizations of La Mesa Nacional Frente a la Minería Metálica de El Salvador, contends that Pac Rim's claims do not constitute a 'legal dispute' or a 'measure' under the ICSID Convention and CAFTA. It argues that the conflict is a political disagreement over metals mining policy driven by organic community opposition, rather than a legal dispute with the state. The brief further alleges that Pac Rim abused the legal process by strategically reincorporating in the United States to gain CAFTA benefits and seeks to use international arbitration to bypass domestic democratic processes and community resistance.

The BIO-EARN programme (1999–2010) aimed to empower Ethiopia, Kenya, Tanzania, and Uganda to utilize agricultural, environmental, and industrial biotechnologies for sustainable development. Funded by Sida and coordinated by the Stockholm Environment Institute and later the Inter-University Council for East Africa, the programme focused on human capacity building, infrastructure development, and the creation of an enabling policy environment. Key achievements include the training of 30 PhD and 30 MSc students, the upgrading of 17 laboratories with over SEK 25 million in investment, and the development of stress-tolerant sorghum and disease-resistant root crops. The programme also pioneered biosafety risk assessment and intellectual property management in the region, facilitating the transition of research from laboratories to pilot-scale applications in waste water treatment and agro-processing.

The paper argues that developing countries face a dual burden of climate mitigation and adaptation alongside existing development challenges, often lacking the institutional capacity to harness necessary technologies. It proposes Climate Innovation Centers (CICs) as facilitators and coordinators that bridge the gap between basic research and full commercialization. CICs are designed to operate as 'system operators' or 'glue' for the innovation ecosystem, partnering with governments, firms, and financial institutions to overcome 'valleys of death' in financing and technical development. The author suggests that CIC design must be tailored to a country's specific economic level and population size, and aligns this model with the UNFCCC's Climate Technology Center and Network established under the Cancun Decision.

The Center for International Environmental Law, on behalf of La Mesa, requests amicus curiae status in the Pac Rim v. El Salvador case. They argue that the dispute is a political disagreement over sustainable development and public policy rather than a legal dispute over a specific government measure. The document highlights severe environmental risks associated with the proposed El Dorado mine, including threats to the Rio Lempa basin and local aquifers, and alleges that Pac Rim's activities have contributed to community violence and the murder of environmental defenders. Legally, the amici contend that Pac Rim's last-minute corporate reorganization to gain CAFTA benefits is an abuse of process and that the tribunal lacks jurisdiction under the ICSID Convention and CAFTA.

The document is a request and supporting brief from a coalition of Salvadoran civil society organizations (La Mesa) seeking to intervene in the Pac Rim Cayman LLC v. Republic of El Salvador arbitration. The authors argue that the claim is an abuse of process and that the tribunal lacks jurisdiction because the conflict is fundamentally a political debate about metal mining and sustainable development, not a legal dispute over a specific government measure. They highlight severe environmental risks associated with the El Dorado mine, including threats to the Lempa River basin and local aquifers, and document a pattern of violence and intimidation against anti-mining activists in El Salvador.

The document explores the intersection of climate change and the right to development (RTD), arguing that RTD is not a 'right to pollute' but a framework for a 'technological leap' toward non-carbon development. It emphasizes that industrialized countries bear the responsibility for providing financial and technological support to developing nations. The author advocates for development models integrated with biological cycles, such as agroecology, and critiques carbon-based industrial models like the American Corn Belt. The briefing also evaluates the Clean Development Mechanism (CDM) under RTD criteria, finding uneven benefit distribution and a lack of human rights considerations. Finally, it positions RTD as a 'moral compass' for the transition to a green economy, referencing the Rio+20 process and the Cancun outcomes of the UNFCCC.

The Lake Winnipeg Basin Summit, held in November and December 2010, brought together approximately 150 stakeholders to address water quality and nutrient loading in the Lake Winnipeg Basin. Using a 'back-casting' approach, participants developed a vision for a sustainable development strategy that integrates environmental, economic, and social objectives. The report concludes that Manitoba, as the downstream jurisdiction and principal beneficiary, should lead the implementation of this comprehensive and adaptive management project.

The submission argues that the Clean Development Mechanism (CDM) has already failed its primary objectives and that carbon capture and storage (CCS) is unlikely to meet the specific requirements of this offset framework, making its inclusion inappropriate.

The document evaluates the initial year of the G-20's initiative to phase out inefficient fossil-fuel subsidies, noting that while activity has increased and supporting groups like the Friends of Fossil-Fuel Subsidy Reform have been established, the process remains challenging. It emphasizes that the G-20 must still fulfill its medium-term commitments, specifically regarding the monitoring of subsidy phase-outs.

The World Resources Institute (WRI) reported total revenue of $39,871,632 and total expenses of $37,145,082 for the 2009 tax year. Its primary mission is to "MOVE HUMAN SOCIETY TO LIVE IN WAYS THAT PROTECT EARTH'S ENVIRONMENT". The organization operates several key programs focusing on climate, energy, pollution, ecosystem degradation, and urban mobility, with significant grantmaking and program activities conducted both within the United States and internationally, particularly in Sub-Saharan Africa, East Asia, and South America.

The document argues that protecting critical biodiversity and hydrological areas from mining is in the national interest and essential for climate change mitigation and adaptation. It proposes a list of areas for total prohibition and a set of procedural restrictions for other sensitive zones to improve decision-making and environmental oversight.

The document examines the current investment incentive mix in Lao PDR, highlighting a 'double subsidy' of tax holidays and low-cost land concessions. It argues that these incentives provide minimal returns in tax revenue, job creation, or technology transfer, and recommends replacing them with a uniform corporate tax rate and targeted incentives for green infrastructure, public services, and human capital development.

The document examines the risk of climate negotiations losing credibility due to complexity and economic uncertainty. It proposes a two-stage approach: a flexible transitional system (2013–2020) with varied commitments, followed by a 'hard shell' long-term regime (2020–2035) aligned with 2050 goals. This strategy aims to preserve the process's essence while integrating sustainable development goals from Rio+20 and data from the IPCC Fifth Assessment Report.

Biofuel Watch, Salva la Selva/Rettet den Regenwald, and CDM Watch have challenged the proposed CDM project 3197 in Bajo Aguan, Honduras. The organizations argue that the project fails to meet 'sustainable development' and additionality requirements due to the project developer's alleged human rights abuses and disputed land claims.

The report evaluates the Clean Development Mechanism (CDM) and its impact on the EU Emissions Trading System (EU ETS) and developing nations. It finds that a significant portion of CDM projects lack additionality, leading to global emission increases and reduced domestic abatement in Europe. The authors argue that the CDM has failed to facilitate meaningful technology transfer or support a systemic shift to low-carbon development in host countries, often subsidizing carbon-intensive activities instead. To address these failures, the report proposes supply-side restrictions on project eligibility and demand-side reforms in the EU, such as auctioning the right to use CERs, to ensure the mechanism serves as a transitional tool rather than a permanent subsidy regime.

The report finds that the Clean Development Mechanism (CDM) has largely failed to meet its core objectives of additionality, sustainable development, and low-carbon technology transfer. In the EU, the use of CDM credits has significantly reduced domestic abatement efforts, potentially increasing global emissions by 30 to 106 million tonnes of CO2eq between 2008 and 2009 due to non-additional projects. The authors argue that the CDM often subsidizes carbon-intensive activities and creates perverse incentives that discourage developing countries from implementing national mitigation policies. To realign results with climate goals, the report proposes limiting project eligibility to those providing long-term sustainable benefits, differentiating crediting periods by project type, and introducing tradable or institutionally procured usage rights within the EU ETS.

The report analyzes Belgium's 2002 Model BIT, finding that it follows a traditional European model that prioritizes extensive investor protection over host-state regulatory autonomy. It highlights significant risks in the treaty's broad definitions of 'investment' and 'investor', the lack of transparency in investor-state dispute settlement, and the aspirational nature of its environmental and labour clauses. The author argues that Belgium needs to modernize its model to safeguard its right to regulate and to ensure that investment treaties support sustainable development.