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The Canadian Climate Institute highlights that while Canada's first Emissions Reduction Plan can meet 2030 obligations, success depends on the 2023 finalization of three key policies: an oil and gas emissions cap, the Clean Electricity Regulation, and carbon pricing improvements. The report emphasizes the need for a net-zero electricity grid by 2035, the implementation of the National Adaptation Strategy, and increased leadership from provincial, territorial, and Indigenous governments to mobilize green capital and reduce emissions.

The document argues that Canadian oil producers face an existential threat as global oil demand is projected to peak around 2030. While Canada's heavy reliance on U.S. refineries provides a temporary buffer, this will not shield the sector from falling global prices and declining demand. The brief concludes that ESG credentials and production costs are insufficient to maintain competitiveness against Middle Eastern producers, necessitating urgent economic diversification.

Reclaim Finance argues that the current recommendations for the French ISR label are insufficient because they lack precise definitions and fail to address the expansion of fossil fuels. The organization proposes strict exclusion criteria for companies developing new oil, gas, and coal projects, as well as a requirement for all funded companies to adopt detailed transition plans by 2024 featuring absolute emission reduction targets and alignment with a 1.5°C scenario.

The report evaluates transition planning among ASEAN companies in sectors like cement, steel, and chemicals against the Climate Bonds Initiative's 'Five Hallmarks' of a credibly transitioning company. It finds that while net-zero commitments are increasing, most plans are fragmented and lack the robust, costed, and science-based pathways necessary for a 1.5°C alignment. The document provides specific analysis of companies such as Siam Cement Group and PTT, and offers guidance on improving the credibility of sustainability-linked bonds (SLBs) by ensuring they include material emission scopes and absolute targets.

The report finds broad support among U.S. registered voters for renewable energy research, energy efficiency in low-income communities, and transitioning the economy to 100% clean energy by 2050. While 68% support the Inflation Reduction Act (IRA) after reading a description, only 41% believe it will increase clean energy innovation and 34% believe it will reduce global warming. There is a significant gap between the willingness of voters to take political action and their actual engagement in the past year. Additionally, 75% of voters believe schools should teach children about global warming.

The Climate Change Performance Index 2023 finds that none of the 60 largest emitters are on a 1.5°C pathway, leaving the top three ranks unoccupied. Denmark is the current frontrunner, leading in almost all categories, while China and the US are categorized as 'very low' performers. The report highlights a wide disparity in performance among EU countries and identifies Iran, Saudi Arabia, and Kazakhstan as the worst overall performers due to heavy oil reliance and weak renewable energy adoption.

The document argues that 'net zero' pledges act as a 'smokescreen' for corporations to continue fossil fuel extraction and industrial agriculture. It specifically critiques nature-based solutions (NbS) and soil carbon sequestration, claiming these mechanisms facilitate land grabbing, data harvesting by agribusiness and IT firms, and the co-option of agroecology. The report contends that carbon offsetting relies on a false 'equivalence' between volatile biomass carbon and long-term fossil carbon, ultimately benefiting corporate power over small-scale food producers.

The September 2022 Nord Stream pipeline ruptures may represent the largest single methane emitting event ever recorded, with potential losses exceeding 500 kilotonnes of methane. While the exact amount entering the atmosphere is difficult to calculate due to cloud cover, ocean dissolution, and the speed of the event, the climate impact is significant. However, the briefing notes that the oil and gas industry's annual fugitive emissions, flaring, and venting total 82 million tonnes, meaning the industry emits an equivalent amount to the Nord Stream leaks every day. The author argues that up to 85% of these emissions could be cut using existing technology and targeted policy.

The document contends that Canada's oil and gas industry, bolstered by windfall profits, should fund its own decarbonization rather than relying on public subsidies. It highlights that current government supports, such as those for carbon capture, utilization, and storage (CCUS), often fail to yield meaningful emissions reductions and may even enable increased production. The author argues that public funds would be more effectively spent on proven low-carbon technologies like renewable energy and grid electrification to meet Canada's 2030 climate targets and ensure long-term energy security.

The complaint argues that TIAA/Nuveen engages in systematic greenwashing by marketing sustainable ESG products while maintaining substantial holdings in coal, oil, and gas, and acquiring land in Brazil linked to deforestation and human rights abuses. It requests that the PRI Board investigate these practices and require corrective actions, including full divestment from fossil fuels by 2025.

The Clean Air Task Force (CATF) asserts that methane mitigation is the most effective strategy for slowing near-term warming, yet it remains severely underfunded. Despite the existence of low-cost abatement opportunities in the oil and gas, waste, and agriculture sectors, finance for methane accounted for less than 2% of total climate finance flows in 2019 and 2020. CATF identifies structural barriers, including a lack of prioritized funding within donor institutions and a dearth of high-quality project proposals from developing countries. To address this, the document recommends scaling donor pledges, developing investable project pipelines, and improving partnerships and carbon market frameworks to support implementation.

The Canadian Climate Institute advocates for a mandatory emissions cap on the oil and gas sector, noting that emissions in this sector grew by nearly 20% between 2005 and 2019. The author argues that current policies are insufficient and that failure to act risks creating 'stranded' high-carbon assets that will increase costs for taxpayers. To be effective, the proposed cap must focus on absolute emission reductions rather than just emission intensity, limit the use of carbon offsets, and not replace the urgent need to reduce methane emissions. Additionally, the policy should utilize market-based instruments like carbon pricing to maintain competitiveness and prevent carbon leakage to other jurisdictions.

The Canadian Climate Institute and Net-Zero Advisory Body advocate for a federal emissions cap on the oil and gas sector, noting that emissions in this sector rose by nearly 20% between 2005 and 2019. They argue that a cap is necessary because current policies are insufficient and that failure to act risks 'locking-in' emissions through high-carbon projects. The authors propose three design priorities: ensuring absolute emissions reductions rather than just intensity improvements, maintaining a focus on low-cost methane reductions, and using market-based instruments to prevent emissions 'leakage' to other jurisdictions.

The document contends that the Canadian oil and gas industry has sufficient windfall profits to fund its own decarbonization and that public subsidies for the sector, particularly for carbon capture, utilization, and storage (CCUS), create significant opportunity costs. It highlights that previous government supports have sometimes increased overall emissions by enabling higher production. The authors advocate for shifting public investment toward proven low-carbon technologies like wind, solar, and energy efficiency to meet Canada's 2030 climate targets.

The report argues that the Supreme Court's invocation of the 'major questions doctrine' in West Virginia v. EPA undermines the ability of federal agencies to use scientific expertise to address complex challenges like climate change. It warns that this shift concentrates policymaking power in the judiciary and suggests that Congress should codify Chevron deference and pass the Scientific Integrity Act. For the executive branch, it recommends a strategy of 'flooding the zone' with smaller, more numerous regulations, streamlining OIRA review, and utilizing nonacquiescence to maintain regulatory efficacy.

The document presents a series of demands from African Environmental Defenders, calling for the recognition of their rights as equal rights holders, the implementation of the Paris Agreement, and an end to large-scale investment in oil and gas. It advocates for a global mandatory legal framework to protect defenders from harassment and killings, reparations for climate-induced loss and damage, and the integration of Traditional Knowledge into climate change solutions.

The document outlines the need for co-created transition pathways for the UK's oil and gas sector to align with net-zero emissions goals, presenting results from a May 2022 workshop that examined a "median anticipated pathway" and a "rapid exit" scenario.

The report outlines two pathway scenarios for the Norwegian oil and gas sector's transition to net-zero, developed through a 'backcasting' exercise with policy makers, businesses, and civil society. While there is general acceptance of a 2050 net-zero goal, the document notes that achieving this via a science-based approach requires deep global energy system transformations and concerted efforts from the Norwegian government and other social actors.

The report finds that strong methane standards in the U.S. oil and gas sector would create significant employment without negatively impacting drilling activity. The CATF 65% plan is projected to create nearly 220,000 total jobs (including 64,000 direct jobs), while the EPA proposal would create 92,000 total jobs (including 27,000 direct jobs). These jobs span manufacturing, installation, and ongoing operations and maintenance, with a significant portion being non-offshorable and potentially unionized.

The report provides a comprehensive overview of Peru's sustainable finance landscape, detailing the growth of Green, Social, and Sustainability (VSS+) bonds. It highlights Peru's role as a regional pioneer, starting with the first green bond in Latin America in 2014, and examines the current market composition where sustainable bonds dominate. The document identifies significant investment gaps in infrastructure, water management, and low-carbon transport, while outlining a roadmap for growth involving key public and private stakeholders. It also addresses systemic barriers such as low market liquidity, currency risk, and the need for a national green taxonomy.