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The report analyzes the ECB's corporate asset purchase programs (CSPP and PEPP), finding that they provide significant financial support to companies active in coal, oil, and gas. It criticizes the ECB's lack of transparency regarding asset values and argues that the principle of 'market neutrality' creates an anti-climate bias by favoring carbon-intensive sectors. The author recommends that the ECB exclude fossil fuel companies without phase-out plans and align its monetary policy with the 1.5°C trajectory of the Paris Agreement.

The document argues that COVID-19 recovery should prioritize green technologies and renewables over fossil fuels to avoid stranded assets. It suggests that industry bailouts in sectors like aviation and automotive manufacturing be tied to strict green conditions and net-zero pathways. The text emphasizes the need to eliminate fossil fuel subsidies, reduce capital costs for renewables in developing countries, and implement social protections for workers displaced by the energy transition.

The document argues that Germany's existing climate targets, specifically the goal to reduce emissions by 55% by 2030 compared to 1990 levels, are outdated because they were based on the assumption of stagnating global emissions and a higher temperature limit of 2°C. The analysis finds that Germany has nearly exhausted its fair CO2 budget and would need to reach zero emissions by 2030 to make a just contribution. Since zero emissions by 2030 is deemed politically unrealistic, the author proposes a dual strategy: achieving net-zero emissions domestically well before 2050 (e.g., by 2040) and establishing an ambitious goal to help other countries reduce their emissions through financial support, innovation, or atmospheric greenhouse gas removal.

The authors argue that governments must plan the decline of coal, oil, and gas production to meet the Paris Agreement's 1.5°C limit and avoid further market chaos. They highlight a significant 'production gap,' noting that planned extraction by 2030 exceeds climate-compatible levels by 60% for oil, 70% for gas, and 280% for coal. The text advocates for a 'just transition' that supports fossil fuel workers through diversification, the removal of consumption subsidies—which totaled at least $400 billion in 2018—and the use of green investment to ensure community viability.

The author recommends two immediate 'Day One' actions for a U.S. President to address climate security: rejoining the Paris Agreement to restore international leadership and announcing a whole-of-government 'Climate Security Plan for America'. This plan is structured around four pillars: demonstrating leadership through a new White House Office on Climate Security, assessing risks via an interagency Climate Security Crisis Watch Center in the ODNI, supporting allies through Regional Climate Security Plans, and preparing for impacts through a Climate Security Infrastructure Initiative and a global greenhouse gas emission reduction policy.

The document argues that economic recovery from the COVID-19 pandemic must avoid siloes by integrating development and climate resilience, ensuring that stimulus measures are stress-tested for climate risks, and empowering vulnerable populations through locally led planning. It highlights the need for reforming fossil fuel subsidies, utilizing resilience bonds, and providing debt relief to vulnerable countries to support a sustainable recovery aligned with the SDGs and the Paris Agreement.

The report finds that the German government's proposed emission limits for coal power plants would lead to 26,000 attributable deaths and €73 billion in economic costs between 2022 and 2038. Implementing the best available techniques (BAT) for all plants would reduce deaths to 5,800 and costs to approximately €15.8 billion. The study also highlights significant mercury emissions under the government's plan, which would cause 1,100 deaths and 400,000 IQ points of neurological damage in children.

The document argues that COVID-19 recovery should be leveraged to advance climate neutrality through international solidarity that goes beyond simple cooperation to include reparations and loss and damage. It highlights the tension between short-term survival needs in developing countries and long-term climate mitigation, suggesting that multilateral regimes for conditional debt relief and bottom-up innovation financing in energy and water sectors could bridge this gap. The paper calls for a critical reassessment of globalisation and the use of the Paris Agreement's Article 6 to implement non-market approaches, such as bulk procurement of low-carbon technologies for least developed countries.

The document explores the intersection of COVID-19 recovery and climate action, arguing that state bailout packages and stimulus measures provide a short window to drive decarbonization and align recovery with the Paris Agreement. It examines the shifting role of the state, the potential for universal basic income to support transitioning workers, and the opportunity to leverage increased public trust in science to counter populism. The paper also highlights the risk of "quick hit" high-carbon responses and the need to avoid backsliding into business-as-usual development.

The document examines the postponement of critical 2020 ocean governance negotiations due to COVID-19, highlighting the urgent need for integrated climate and biodiversity action to prevent marine ecosystem collapse.

Turkey is pursuing a civilian nuclear energy program to diversify its energy sources and meet rapidly growing electricity demand, primarily through the Akkuyu Nuclear Power Plant developed with Russia under a 'build-own-operate' (BOO) model. While Turkey adheres to international nonproliferation regimes and collaborates with the IAEA, the BOO model creates risks regarding regulatory oversight, information asymmetry, and potential safety compromises to reduce costs. Additionally, Turkey faces significant climate security threats, including drought and sea-level rise, which may impact the operation of its coastal nuclear sites. The program also reflects Turkey's complex strategic balancing between Russia and NATO allies.

The document details survey results from 2016 and 2018 regarding the adaptation community's approach to high-end climate change scenarios. It finds that while many practitioners are increasingly using these scenarios and doubt the Paris Agreement has eliminated the risk of dangerous warming, preparedness and the availability of decision-making tools have not improved, highlighting a need for better information exchange and research.

The document outlines a framework for a 'green and resilient recovery' following the COVID-19 pandemic, emphasizing that the next 18 months are critical as countries invest $10-20 trillion. It advocates for low-carbon infrastructure, fossil fuel subsidy reform, and a revamp of the Bretton Woods system to prioritize well-being over traditional growth metrics. The dialogue warns against bailouts for carbon-intensive sectors like aviation and coal, and highlights the urgent need for debt cancellation in vulnerable developing countries.

Carbon Market Watch calls for the EU to adopt more ambitious climate targets, specifically a 65% reduction in greenhouse gas emissions by 2030 and climate neutrality by 2040, to remain consistent with the Paris Agreement's 1.5°C goal and the 'do no harm' principle.

The analysis of 52 new good practice cases for the GPD identifies consistent success factors for climate action, including stakeholder engagement, political buy-in, and alignment with national or international frameworks. It also notes emerging trends such as the role of innovation in addressing complex challenges, increased focus on transparency in line with the Paris Agreement's Enhanced Transparency Framework, and the integration of Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) to align climate and development agendas.

Alexey Miroshnichenko of VEB.RF outlines the development of a Russian Green Finance Standard designed to mobilize private capital for the state's "Ecology" national project. The standard aims to create a sustainable finance market in Russia by offering incentives such as coupon subsidies and tax breaks, while aligning with international CBI and ICMA criteria to attract foreign investors. Key priorities include waste management, air pollution reduction, and the restoration of ecosystems like Lake Baikal and the Volga.

A joint letter from several financial and environmental organizations calling on the NGFS to prevent central banks from supporting high carbon emitters during the COVID-19 crisis. The authors argue that current liquidity measures risk returning to "business as usual" and propose specific actions, including the exclusion of polluting assets from collateral frameworks and quantitative easing programs, and the development of green and brown taxonomies to mitigate systemic climate-related financial risks.

The document argues that because supply chain emissions are significantly larger than operational emissions, companies must move beyond fragmented action. BSR recommends a strategy of mapping the entire value chain via 'reverse sourcing', testing reductions through pilot projects, and scaling these efforts through collaboration with peers and value chain partners.

The author contends that the military-industrial complex operates with a level of impunity that allows it to bypass environmental regulations and the polluter-pays principle. While the military frames climate change as a 'threat multiplier' to justify budget increases, the document asserts that militarisation is fundamentally incompatible with a decarbonised economy. It calls for a 'manifesto for military degrowth,' including a moratorium on arms races and the suspension of energy-intensive 'force projection' to mitigate climatic disruption.

The briefing compares the systemic challenges of COVID-19 and climate change, highlighting how data lags and inconsistent reporting hinder effective decision-making. It advocates for a shift toward standardized, open-source data ecosystems, potentially led by non-state actors, to achieve net-zero emissions by 2050.