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The document argues that while the world possesses sufficient global financial assets to fund sustainable development, a significant financing gap and a persistent digital divide hinder the achievement of the 2030 Agenda and the Paris Agreement. It traces the history of UN efforts from the 1972 Stockholm Declaration to the 2015 Addis Ababa Action Agenda, highlighting the critical need for technology transfer and financial mobilization for developing countries. The text notes that developed countries have struggled to meet the USD 100 billion annual climate finance goal and identifies barriers to technology diffusion, including intellectual property rights and insufficient absorptive capacities. It concludes by calling for better alignment between development cooperation and climate action to ensure financing does not undermine sustainable development.

The Climate Action Tracker (CAT) reports that a wave of net zero pledges from 127 countries could reduce projected warming by 2100 to as low as 2.1°C. However, current policies still put the world on a trajectory of 2.9°C, and a significant emissions gap remains for 2030.

Reclaim Finance critiques the third technical report for the EU Ecolabel for financial products, stating that new 'transition' and 'green growth' categories allow companies to continue investing in polluting activities without requiring Paris-aligned phase-out plans. The organization argues that the report's loosened restrictions on deposit accounts and reduced 'greenness' thresholds for UCITS equity funds undermine the label's ambition and could mislead savers.

The 2020 Scorecard reveals a growing trend of insurers retreating from coal, with at least 23 companies ending or limiting cover for coal projects. While coal insurance is becoming increasingly difficult and expensive to obtain, the report finds that the industry has largely failed to take comprehensive action on oil and gas. European and Australian insurers are leading the transition, whereas companies in the U.S., Japan, and the Lloyd's market are identified as laggards. The report also highlights a significant increase in coal divestment, with 65 insurers now having policies covering over $12 trillion in assets.

The report argues that electric vehicles (EVs) can serve as enablers for a new energy paradigm in Southern Africa, shifting the region away from coal and oil dependency. It proposes a 'Southern African Green New Deal' and identifies five systemic innovations: transforming automakers into energy companies, implementing EV-enabled demand-side response services, transitioning consumers to 'prosumers' via peer-to-peer trading, deploying localized distributed energy resource (DER) networks using blockchain, and reskilling the workforce for green jobs. The analysis emphasizes that while South Africa's current grid is coal-heavy, EVs still offer lifecycle GHG reductions and can accelerate the decarbonization of power generation.

The report introduces a four-step blueprint for corporate climate action: accounting and disclosing emissions, reducing value chain emissions via science-based targets, quantifying a financial commitment by pricing remaining emissions, and investing that commitment into further reductions, climate innovation, and high-quality carbon credits. It argues that current 'footprint-based' approaches are insufficient and advocates for a forward-looking model that integrates nature-based solutions and policy advocacy to achieve a net-zero global economy.

The European Union's 'Benchmark Regulation' introduces the Paris Aligned Benchmark (PAB) and Climate Transition Benchmark (CTB) to standardize 'green' financial indices. However, Reclaim Finance asserts these are insufficient because they lack requirements for absolute greenhouse gas emission reductions and do not guarantee the exclusion of companies developing new fossil fuel projects. The document highlights a gap in passive asset management, noting that firms like Lyxor AM and BlackRock often exclude coal from active assets but not from passive index funds. To achieve real alignment, the author suggests adding absolute emission reduction targets, stricter exclusion thresholds, and a dynamic phase-out of fossil fuels to the PAB framework.

The European Union's 'benchmarks regulation' introduces the Paris Aligned Benchmark (PAB) and the Climate Transition Benchmark (CTB) to guide green financial indices. However, the author contends these are inadequate because they lack requirements for absolute greenhouse gas emission reductions and do not guarantee the exclusion of companies developing new fossil fuel projects. The document calls for the development of indices that include absolute emission reduction targets, a ban on new fossil fuel projects, reinforced exclusion thresholds, and a dynamic fossil fuel phase-out approach.

The document outlines requirements for the EU's proposed carbon border adjustment measure, asserting that it must replace all existing industry protections, such as free pollution permits, to avoid being mere protectionism. It proposes that foreign producers buy pollution permits under the EU carbon market to strengthen carbon prices and incentivise innovation. The author suggests targeting the most polluting sectors—specifically steel, cement, and bulk chemicals—while exempting Least Developed Countries (LDCs) and Small Island Developing States (SIDS). Finally, it argues that all revenues generated should fund climate action, either through EU innovation funds or as climate finance for developing nations.

The authors argue that appointing John Kerry to a climate envoy role with a seat on the National Security Council signals that the Biden administration views the climate crisis as an urgent national security threat and intends to elevate climate change within national security decision-making.

The report examines the transition of voluntary carbon markets into the Paris Agreement era, specifically assessing how to prevent 'double counting' where emission reductions are claimed by both voluntary offsets and national targets. It identifies three potentially viable models—contribution claims, NDC crediting, and non-NDC crediting—and recommends focusing on challenging mitigation options and countries with ambitious Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs) to maximize climate impact.

The document outlines a research project led by Öko-Institut and the Stockholm Environment Institute focused on the Carbon Offsetting and Reduction Scheme for International Aviation (CORSIA). It evaluates the environmental integrity of Emissions Unit Criteria (EUC), estimates the potential supply of offset credits, and examines mechanisms under the Paris Agreement to prevent double counting between CORSIA and nationally determined contributions (NDCs).

The World Resources Institute expresses support for President-elect Joe Biden's foreign policy nominees, specifically highlighting the appointment of John Kerry as Special Presidential Envoy for Climate and the decision to elevate that role to the National Security Council. The statement asserts that the selected team, including Antony Blinken and Jake Sullivan, will prioritize science-based diplomatic strategies and multilateral cooperation to address climate change as a national security and humanitarian threat.

The document describes the global governance of sustainable energy as a "regime complex" characterized by overlapping mandates and a lack of a single central authority. It highlights the importance of SDG 7 in merging the goals of energy access and sustainable transitions, while detailing the contributions of the International Renewable Energy Agency (IRENA) and the Sustainable Energy for All (SEforALL) initiative. The text notes a significant financing gap, stating that achieving SDG 7 by 2030 requires additional annual investments of USD 1.36 trillion, whereas international finance for clean energy in developing countries was only USD 21 billion in 2017. It concludes that while the current multi-stakeholder, non-hierarchical model allows for specialized and flexible action, the absence of a binding international treaty or single organization limits the ability to drive top-down ambition and common norms.

The proposal seeks USD 349,999 over 24 months to support Thailand's local governments in mainstreaming climate actions into city development plans. The project focuses on three components: engaging 15 cities to enhance knowledge of the Paris Agreement and NDC, assisting 7 selected cities in creating GHG mitigation technology and investment plans, and supporting 1 city in developing a quality draft funding proposal for the GCF. The initiative aims to overcome barriers such as insufficient technical knowledge, lack of bankable project pipelines, and difficulties in accessing international climate funds.

The briefing argues that the Biden administration can reclaim U.S. climate leadership by submitting a robust national climate commitment (NDC) of 45-50% emissions reductions by 2030, increasing financial support for developing countries through the Green Climate Fund and other mechanisms, and integrating climate change as a core foreign policy issue through strategic bilateral and multilateral diplomacy.

The Climate Policy Initiative calls on development banks and global financial actors to move beyond immediate COVID-19 relief and utilize recovery finance to address climate change and inequality. It advocates for linking loans to sustainable outcomes, funding energy efficiency and resilient infrastructure, and ending fossil fuel financing. To guide this transition, the organization has convened an Advisory Council to develop 'Principles for Financing the Sustainable Recovery' aligned with the Paris Agreement and Sustainable Development Goals.

Reclaim Finance argues that the Net-zero Asset Owner Alliance's (NZAOA) target setting protocol contains loopholes regarding divestment strategies, the use of unrealistic climate scenarios, the lack of mandatory absolute reduction targets, and the absence of measures against anti-climate lobbying.

The Council on Strategic Risks argues that the U.S. President should make climate change a vital national security priority. It evaluates President-elect Biden's plan to commission a National Intelligence Estimate on climate security, require annual reports from the Secretary of Defense, and invest in military base resilience. The author advocates for further steps, including the creation of senior climate security positions in the White House and the development of Regional Climate Security Plans.

The We Mean Business Coalition welcomes the United States' intention to rejoin the Paris Agreement, arguing that the framework provides the necessary clarity for businesses to make long-term investments in a zero-carbon economy. The coalition emphasizes that green recovery plans following the COVID-19 pandemic can outperform traditional stimulus measures in boosting GDP and employment while addressing the intersection of climate and racial justice.