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The document analyses the global rare earth elements (REE) industry, which is dominated by China with a 97% share of upstream production. It examines how China uses export restrictions and production quotas to leverage its monopoly, aiming to induce foreign downstream producers to relocate to China for technology transfer. The paper highlights the strategic importance of REEs for 'green' technology and military applications, and assesses South Africa's potential to re-enter the market through the Steenkampskraal and Zandkopsdrift projects. It also discusses global reactions, including Japan's efforts to reduce REE reliance and the emergence of junior mining companies seeking non-Chinese sources.

South Africa has long served as a primary entry point for international companies into Africa due to its sophisticated economy, financial hubs, and infrastructure. However, the document argues that its status is being challenged by the rise of regional gateways, increasing competition from other African ports and airlines, and internal issues including labour unrest, high port costs, and power price hikes.

Friends of the Earth International (ATI) has issued a statement condemning a series of targeted attacks against CEIBA – Amigos de la Tierra Guatemala and the Red Nacional en Defensa de la Soberanía Alimentaria de Guatemala (REDSAG). These incidents include the theft of computer equipment from their offices on February 25 and a targeted robbery of a laptop from CEIBA communicator Óscar Gálvez. ATI argues these are not common crimes but part of an escalation of intimidation against environmentalists in the region, specifically those defending indigenous rights and opposing mining and large hydroelectric projects. ATI has formally requested the Guatemalan Ministry of the Interior to ensure the physical integrity and security of these organizations.

The Constitutional Court ruled that the Mineral and Petroleum Resources Development Act (MPRDA) does not override the Land Use Planning Ordinance (LUPO), meaning mining rights holders must still comply with land use zoning requirements. The court clarified that the MPRDA and LUPO serve different purposes—mining governance and land use regulation, respectively—and that their overlap does not constitute an impermissible intrusion of local government into national spheres. Additionally, the court refused to grant a declaratory order on the conflict between the MPRDA and the National Environmental Management Act (NEMA), dismissing the cross-appeal on the grounds that it lacked a chance of success.

Analysis of Polylepis tarapacana tree rings in the Bolivian Altiplano reveals a severe drought between 1316 and 1371 that coincided with the abandonment of vulnerable valley villages in favor of fortified hilltop sites (Pukaras). This evidence supports the hypothesis that water scarcity for consumption and irrigation led to social conflict. The document further notes that contemporary warming, glacier shrinkage, and increasing demands from mining, agriculture, and population growth are heightening the risk of future water shortages and political-economic conflict in the region.

Analysis of Polylepis tarapacana tree rings in the Bolivian Altiplano reveals a severe, prolonged drought starting in 1316 that coincided with the abandonment of vulnerable settlements in favor of fortified Pukaras, suggesting environmental drivers for social conflict. The document warns that contemporary glacier retreat and increased water demand from mining, agriculture, and population growth may lead to similar water scarcity and political-economic conflicts in the 21st century.

The document examines how community protocols and FPIC processes empower indigenous and local communities to protect their land, resources, and traditional knowledge. Through various case studies in countries such as India, Peru, Ghana, and Cameroon, it argues that these tools are most effective when they are bottom-up processes designed and controlled by the communities themselves rather than imposed top-down by governments or corporations. The report highlights the role of the Nagoya Protocol and the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples in providing international legal support for these tools, while noting that national implementation often remains inadequate.

The report identifies significant risks of cumulative supply deficits for indium, tellurium, and neodymium by 2035, which could hinder the deployment of low-carbon technologies like photovoltaics and electric vehicles. Using a scenario calculator based on IEA and WEF frameworks, the study finds that indium and tellurium face severe risks, while cobalt and lithium show limited risk. The photovoltaic industry is highlighted as particularly vulnerable, specifically second-generation thin-film technologies. Proposed mitigation strategies include material substitution, vertical integration, and increased recycling, though the latter faces technical and economic hurdles. The report argues that current government policies often treat scarcity as a technological issue, neglecting the geopolitical and economic risks that can exacerbate supply bottlenecks.

The Zambia–China Cooperation Zone (ZCCZ), comprising the Chambishi and Lusaka East subsections, is China's first economic and trade co-operation zone in Africa. While it has attracted significant investment, primarily in copper smelting, the project faces critical implementation hurdles including poor surrounding infrastructure, a lack of regulatory frameworks for local content and technology transfer, and labour disputes stemming from differing work cultures. The document argues that for the ZCCZ to succeed, both Chinese investors and Zambian authorities must increase transparency and develop a cohesive industrial strategy that integrates local entrepreneurs.

This report by Friends of the Earth International highlights the 'ecological war' waged by extractive industries, detailing the deaths and repression of activists in countries such as Nigeria, the Philippines, and Colombia. It argues that Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) is a myth used to mask systemic abuses and calls for an end to fossil fuel addiction and the protection of indigenous territories.

The document examines the strategic partnership between China and Gabon, centered on the Bélinga iron ore project. It analyzes how Gabon seeks to diversify its oil-dependent economy through Chinese investment in mining and infrastructure, while China seeks to secure strategic mineral resources. The paper highlights significant delays in the project's execution following the death of President Omar Bongo in 2009, commodity price volatility, and increasing pressure from civil society regarding environmental and labor issues. It concludes that while the project offers potential for regional development and infrastructure, the current 'barter' model of loans-for-resources may limit short-term economic benefits and fail to trigger a major structural change in Gabon's rentier economy.

The policy brief examines the activities of Chinese state-run banks (Exim Bank and CDB) and the private Luso-Chinese fund Geocapital in Mozambique. While these entities leverage strong political and personal connections to enter the market, they have struggled to attract significant Chinese capital due to poor strategic planning and a lack of institutional capacity within Mozambique. The document highlights specific infrastructure loans and the establishment of Moza Banco, while noting that many large-scale projects have either collapsed or failed to materialize.

Friends of the Earth International (FoEI) documents global campaigns where local and Indigenous communities use collective rights to oppose corporate-led extractive and agricultural projects. The report highlights legal battles against dams in Malaysia and oil pollution in Nigeria, resistance to tar sands in North America, and the promotion of community-based forest governance and food sovereignty in regions such as Indonesia, Cameroon, and Latin America.

The Sicomines agreement is a multibillion-dollar barter deal where a Chinese joint venture (Sicomines) received mining titles in the DRC's Katanga Province in exchange for constructing transport and social infrastructure funded by China Exim Bank loans. Originally signed in 2007 and renegotiated in 2009, the deal reflects a shift in global political economy and China's consolidated role as a foreign policy actor. The 2009 amendments, which reduced the infrastructure component to a maximum of $3 billion and removed the Congolese state guarantee for mining investments, aligned the agreement with the preferences of the IMF and World Bank. This shift was driven partly by China's own ambition to take a more active role within the IMF. While the investment benefits the DRC's mining sector, the ultimate value of the deal depends on the pricing and monitoring of the infrastructure projects, managed by the Congolese Agency for Public Works (ACGT).

The report finds that commercial fisheries in the Bristol Bay base study area generate annual economic activity between $4.1 billion and $5.4 billion. Using a value-chain analysis and input-output modeling, the study tracks value from an average annual landings value of $463 million to a final retail value of $2.2 billion to $2.9 billion. The analysis emphasizes that the economic benefits extend globally, as permit holders reside in multiple U.S. states and international markets purchase the processed seafood. The authors argue that these figures provide strong economic support for protecting the region's marine ecosystems from threats such as climate change and infrastructure projects related to oil, gas, and mining.

The case study details the struggle of the Amadiba Crisis Committee to challenge mining rights granted to Transworld Energy and Mineral Resources. It highlights failures in community consultation, the absence of adequate environmental assessments, and the tension between a government-backed mining strategy and a community-preferred ecotourism model. The text also critiques the use of a Black Economic Empowerment (BEE) partner, XolCo, which the community claims is not representative.

Friends of the Earth International (FoEI) marks 40 years as a global federation of 76 member groups and over 2 million collaborators. The organization advocates for environmental and social justice by opposing neoliberal economic models and 'false solutions' to the climate crisis. Its strategic framework focuses on three pillars: mobilizing public support, resisting the root causes of environmental degradation, and transforming societies through concepts like ecological debt, food sovereignty, and climate justice. FoEI's work spans diverse sectors, including opposing industrial mining and fossil fuels, protecting biodiversity and forests, and promoting sustainable, local food systems.

The report examines the global copper supply chain, focusing on China's role as the world's largest consumer. It analyzes two primary flows: recycled copper scrap (Flow C) and primary copper mining products (Flow D). The document identifies sustainability challenges, including the illegal import of e-waste into China and weak regulatory enforcement in mining regions like Zambia. It evaluates the impact of international policies, such as the EU's WEEE and ELV Directives, and provides recommendations for improving data quality, formalizing recycling infrastructure, and strengthening government capacity in developing nations.

The Centre for Environmental Rights (CER) and 12 other organisations are urging the South African Minister of Mineral Resources to exercise discretion under section 49 of the Minerals and Petroleum Resources Development Act (MPRDA) to create 'no-go areas' for mining based on environmental sensitivity. The CER rejects claims by the Chamber of Mines that existing laws—such as the Protected Areas Act, the Biodiversity Act, and Environmental Impact Assessments (EIAs)—provide sufficient protection, noting that rights have been granted illegally in protected areas and that the Biodiversity Act often only triggers an EIA without providing further legal protection. The CER asserts that a section 49 declaration is the only way to prevent wasted costs for the state and industry by refusing applications in sensitive areas from the outset, citing the Minister's intention to declare the Chrissiesmeer Biodiversity Site as a precedent.

The text describes a divide between the official Mining Indaba in Cape Town and the concurrent Alternative Mining Indaba. While the main event focused on investment and corporate sustainability, the alternative event highlighted systemic issues including environmental pollution in Tanzania, lack of community consultation, and the marginalization of civil society through high registration fees and restrictive questioning formats during Corporate Social Responsibility sessions.