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The document argues that South Africa's international credibility in climate negotiations is undermined by a domestic reliance on fossil fuels and a slow integration of climate considerations into economic policy. Using Robert Putnam's 'two-level game' framework, it highlights the tension between Level I (international negotiations) and Level II (domestic interests), particularly the influence of the coal and oil industries. While South Africa champions developing nations' interests globally, its domestic energy strategy continues to favour coal-fired power and coal-to-liquids technology. The paper suggests that the Southern African Development Community (SADC) region offers untapped renewable energy potential that could help reconcile these competing imperatives.

Deputy Minister Ebrahim discusses the necessity of consolidating an 'African Agenda' to address global common challenges, including poverty, food insecurity, and climate change. He argues for the strategic importance of South-South Co-operation and engagement with emerging powers like China, Brazil, and India to counter the dominance of Northern countries in the international system. The speech emphasizes the role of the African Union, NEPAD, and the African Economic Community in fostering regional integration and socio-economic development, while calling for the international community to honor commitments made to Africa, such as the Millennium Development Goals.

The paper argues that climate change is a global public bad requiring coordinated public-sector intervention. It posits that 'knowledge communities'—groups of experts who produce and share scientific information—are essential for driving the paradigm shifts and technological adoption needed for mitigation. The Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) is highlighted as a primary catalyst for this global learning process. The authors also analyze economic instruments for emission reduction, such as the EU Emissions Trading System (ETS), taxes, and standards, while noting the difficulties of international cooperation under frameworks like the Kyoto Protocol.

The report argues that WTO rules provide sufficient flexibility for countries to implement bold climate measures and that the WTO should not be used as an excuse for policy inaction. It analyzes several policy tools, concluding that most are WTO-consistent if designed non-discriminatorily. Specifically, it finds that energy labels and minimum standards are generally permissible under the TBT Agreement and GATT, and that fuel efficiency standards are likely to meet 'necessity' requirements given the urgency of climate change. Border carbon adjustments are viewed as permissible in principle, though they risk contradicting the principle of 'common but differentiated responsibilities' by shifting burdens to developing nations. Green subsidies are also deemed largely compatible, provided they do not mandate the use of domestic products. The authors emphasize that the logic of trade expansion inherent in the WTO is fundamentally at odds with GHG reduction goals, suggesting that 'Kyoto-compliance' should take precedence over 'WTO-compliance'.

The report examines the compatibility of various climate policies—including labelling, fuel efficiency standards, border carbon adjustments, and green subsidies—with WTO law. It concludes that WTO rules do not prevent countries from taking immediate action to combat climate change, provided the measures are properly designed and non-discriminatory. The authors argue against using the WTO as an excuse for policy inaction and suggest that 'Kyoto-compliance' should take priority over 'WTO-compliance' in global governance.

The report identifies a significant gap between current public funding for climate change and the estimated annual needs of developing countries, which range from US$100 billion to US$200 billion for mitigation and tens of billions for adaptation. It details several proposed funding sources, including Mexico's 'green fund', a global carbon levy proposed by Switzerland, and Norway's proposal to auction assigned amount units (AAUs). The document also analyzes the tension between developed and developing nations regarding the governance of these funds, with developing countries favoring a new institutional framework under the UNFCCC to ensure direct access and equity, while developed countries prefer utilizing existing institutions like the World Bank and Global Environment Facility (GEF).

The report details the progress and divergences in UNFCCC negotiations leading up to COP 15. It examines the 'four pillars' of the Bali Action Plan: mitigation, adaptation, technology, and financing. While some progress was noted in adaptation, significant divides remain between developed and developing nations regarding emission targets, the role of the Clean Development Mechanism (CDM), and the nature of financial commitments. The document highlights the critical role of the United States' domestic legislation and the potential for a U.S.-China accord to influence the final outcome in Copenhagen.

The report details the progress and deadlocks in UNFCCC negotiations during 2009, specifically the Bonn II and III meetings. It examines the four pillars of the Bali Action Plan: mitigation, adaptation, technology, and finance. Key tensions persist between developed and developing nations regarding emission reduction targets, the role of the United States, and the funding of adaptation and technology transfer. The document highlights the urgency of accelerating negotiations before the December 2009 Copenhagen summit, noting that the 200-page negotiating text remains largely unresolved.

The Climate Strategies Research Prospectus 2009 details a comprehensive program of academic research designed to support government decision-makers. The work is organized into three primary themes: industrialised country commitments and global market mechanisms (including carbon leakage and emissions trading system linkages), global engagement, technology and finance (focusing on the UNFCCC's Reformed Financial Mechanism and technology innovation centres), and industry-specific sectoral approaches (specifically the steel and maritime sectors). The organization operates as a not-for-profit network, convening international experts to provide independent, fact-based assessments for policy formation, with a particular emphasis on the European Union, North America, and the Asia-Pacific region.

The document analyzes a draft 'climate doctrine' discussed by the Russian Cabinet on 23 April 2009, which frames climate change mitigation and energy efficiency as economic opportunities rather than costs. It notes that the doctrine recognizes the potential for unchecked climate change to reduce Russian GDP by 25% and suggests that the shift in high-level thinking could facilitate a more constructive Russian position for the Copenhagen negotiations. However, the author cautions that a lack of civil society pressure and the need for international recognition—particularly from the United States—could limit the doctrine's impact.

The report assesses the potential for linking regional and national emissions trading systems (ETS) to create a broader carbon market. It concludes that while an OECD-wide company-level market by 2015 is highly ambitious, linking serves as a critical bottom-up fallback option to top-down international regimes. The study identifies significant barriers to full bilateral linking, including divergent monitoring, reporting, and verification (MRV) provisions, differing offset eligibility, and a lack of consensus on carbon price levels. However, it suggests that unilateral links to international offset mechanisms and indirect links via credits are more likely in the short term.

The report assesses the potential for linking emissions trading schemes (ETS) globally, concluding that an OECD-wide company-level carbon market by 2015 is a "highly ambitious goal." It identifies that while the EU ETS seeks to be a nucleus for a global market, most emerging schemes prioritize domestic price control over full bilateral linking. The study highlights significant barriers to linkage, including divergent target stringencies, the use of intensity-based targets (notably in Canada), and different cost-containment measures like price caps. It distinguishes between unilateral links (one-way recognition), bilateral/multilateral links (mutual recognition), and indirect links (via common mechanisms like the CDM). The report also examines the legal complexities of such links, particularly the constraints on US state-level agreements and the EU's regulatory mandates. It suggests that a "bottom-up" process of linking regional markets could serve as a fallback if top-down international agreements, such as a Kyoto successor, fail.

The report analyzes the performance of Kyoto Protocol mechanisms—International Emissions Trading (IET), Joint Implementation (JI), and the Clean Development Mechanism (CDM)—and explores proposals for a post-2012 regime. It discusses the potential for an allocation-based Market Mechanism for Sustainable Development (MMSD), REDD, and the expansion of the CDM to include carbon capture and storage (CCS), nuclear energy, and sectoral crediting. The document highlights critical challenges for future agreements, including the environmental integrity of credits, the issue of additionality, and the need for ambitious developed-country targets to ensure demand for credits from developing nations.

The Bonn climate talks served as the first of six negotiating sessions in 2009 aimed at establishing a post-2012 climate regime. While the meetings produced no tangible results, they narrowed gaps between Parties on mitigation, adaptation, technology, and financing. Key tensions persist regarding the scale of emission reductions for developed countries, the role of the United States and China, and the governance of climate finance.

The document provides an overview of the Bonn climate talks, detailing progress and disputes across mitigation, adaptation, technology, and finance. It highlights the tension between 'top-down' and 'bottom-up' approaches to emission reductions and the critical role of the United States' renewed engagement ahead of the 2009 Copenhagen summit.

The document examines the functioning of the Kyoto Protocol's market mechanisms—the International Emissions Trading (IET), Joint Implementation (JI), and the Clean Development Mechanism (CDM)—and explores options for their expansion or replacement in a post-2012 framework. It discusses new proposals such as the Market Mechanism for Sustainable Development (MMSD), REDD, and sectoral CDM, while highlighting challenges regarding additionality, environmental integrity, and the equitable distribution of projects in developing countries.

The report analyzes how sustainable development issues enter Argentina's trade and investment agenda, noting that external pressures are significant for environmental and food safety standards but less so for labor and climate change. It highlights Argentina's unique position due to its lack of north-south trade agreements and its low-polluting economic structure, while emphasizing the need for a holistic, coordinated approach to manage future international commitments and unilateral measures.

The report projects emissions for the EU, Japan, and other Annex I countries up to 2012 and 2020. It finds that while the EU ETS is likely to have a surplus of allowances up to 2012 at a price of €20/tCO2, the EU-15 and Japan will face overall deficits relative to their Kyoto targets. Conversely, Russia, Ukraine, and new EU member states are projected to have significant emission surpluses. Looking toward 2020, the EU ETS is expected to enter a deficit unless efficiency and renewables targets are met, suggesting a rise in carbon prices post-2012.

The document analyzes the 'boom and bust' pattern of carbon prices in emissions trading schemes, attributing it to fixed supply facing highly uncertain demand and asymmetric information. It argues that price collapses undermine low-carbon investment and economic efficiency. While rejecting carbon taxation as a viable alternative due to political and implementation hurdles, the author proposes several policy options to stabilize markets, highlighting reserve price auctions in the EU ETS as a feasible, low-complexity mechanism to reduce supply automatically if prices fall too low.

The document assesses the 2008 proposal for the Australian Carbon Pollution Reduction Scheme, focusing on its mechanisms for price control and international linking. It examines the implications of a domestic price cap and the potential for bilateral linking with the European Union and New Zealand, while analyzing the impact of 'hot air' units from Russia and Eastern Europe on the global carbon market.