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The document argues that the lack of harmonized accounting rules for Annex I pledges in the Copenhagen Accord creates uncertainty regarding the actual level of climate ambition. It recommends that the Conference of the Parties (COP) mandate the development of consistent, transparent, and accurate measurement, reporting, and verification (MRV) guidelines. Specifically, it addresses the need for standardized coverage of greenhouse gases and sectors, rules for land use, land-use change, and forestry (LULUCF), the prevention of double counting in international offsets, and the management of surplus assigned amount units (AAUs) from the Kyoto Protocol's first commitment period.

The document argues that the United States has lost its leverage in international climate negotiations due to its failure to enact domestic climate legislation and its opposition to the Kyoto Protocol. It highlights a growing divide between the U.S. and developing nations, particularly China, noting that China is investing more aggressively in clean energy despite U.S. pressure for mitigation commitments. The briefing also discusses a trade petition by the United Steelworkers against China's clean energy subsidies, suggesting this could trigger trade conflicts that undermine UNFCCC goals. It concludes by suggesting the U.S. should utilize the Bali Action Plan's carve-out to allow other developed nations to proceed with the Kyoto Protocol's second commitment period.

The document argues that the World Bank is defending HFC-23 incineration projects in China that manipulate production to maximize the generation of 'fake' carbon credits. It highlights evidence that manufacturers increase HFC-23 waste production specifically to earn Certified Emission Reductions (CERs) and criticizes the World Bank for ignoring findings from the CDM Methodologies Panel and the Montreal Protocol's TEAP. It notes that the UN CDM Executive Board has launched investigations into six such projects, including the delay of over 3 million CERs for the Changshu Zonghao project.

The report examines the intersection of climate change and ASEAN-facilitated trade and investment in the Mekong subregion, noting that while some countries use trade liberalization for growth, their natural resources remain vulnerable to climate risks. It highlights a tension between low-carbon initiatives, such as hydroelectric dams, and the resulting loss of irreplaceable natural capital. Additionally, it notes that free trade agreements facilitating mining may be viewed as an adaptation to climate-threatened agriculture, though at a high cost to natural capital and livelihoods. The report recommends mainstreaming climate concerns into ASEAN's economic frameworks and implementing climate risk assessments for trading mechanisms.

The paper addresses the 'windfall' emissions permits (AAUs) held by countries in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) and the Former Soviet Union (FSU), which threaten the environmental integrity of the Kyoto Protocol. It analyzes the conflicting positions of Russia and the EU, noting that Russia views its surplus as a hedge against future emissions growth. To resolve this, the authors propose creating a non-tradable strategic compliance reserve for first-period surpluses and implementing 'optimized trading' for second-period over-allocations. This approach aims to maintain carbon market prices and recognize the 'early action' of transition economies while preventing the market saturation that would occur if all surpluses were traded.

The document analyzes the gap between emission pledges and projected emissions for 2020, highlighting that the global economic recession likely reduced the actual effort required to meet these targets. It identifies significant uncertainties in calculating 'allowed emissions' due to varying LULUCF rules and the carry-over of Kyoto Protocol credits. Quantitative comparisons across different data sources (PBL, GAINS, and National Communications) show considerable variance in 2020 projections, suggesting that many official projections may overstate emissions by not fully accounting for the recession's impact.

The paper examines the likely balance of demand and supply for carbon units in 2020, analyzing the 'emissions anyway' projections for major developed nations against their pledges. It concludes that while a theoretical demand gap exists, actual market demand for Certified Emission Reductions (CERs) from the Clean Development Mechanism (CDM) may be low due to policy preferences for sectoral crediting in the US and EU, and a likely oversupply of CERs. The author warns that this suggests a potentially low-value international carbon market, which could hinder global efforts to peak emissions by 2020.

The report analyzes the CDM project pipeline as of April 2010, finding that procedural delays and operational risks significantly reduce the actual supply of CERs compared to original project estimates. It projects that CER supply up to 2012 may be less than half of planned amounts and evaluates scenarios for the 2013-2020 period, highlighting a heavy dependence on five dominating host countries.

The document asserts that tree plantations are uniform agricultural systems that cause biodiversity loss, community displacement, and hydrological alteration. It criticizes the use of these plantations as carbon sinks under the Kyoto Protocol, arguing that such schemes provide a 'fictional solution' to climate change while benefiting transnational corporations. The paper further denounces international organizations like the FAO for legitimizing plantations by classifying them as forests.

The document is the 12th issue of the Sur International Journal on Human Rights, focusing on the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) and their alignment with human rights. A central component is an analysis of the Clean Development Mechanism (CDM) under the Kyoto Protocol, arguing that while the CDM facilitates investment and technology transfer to the Global South, it lacks a robust rights-based approach, fails to ensure equitable geographical distribution of projects, and lacks effective accountability and grievance mechanisms. The issue also includes discussions on maternal health, the right to health (MDG 6), indigenous peoples' rights, and corporate human rights obligations.

CDM Watch argues that despite mandates from decision 2/CMP.5 to improve transparency and stakeholder communication, existing Clean Development Mechanism (CDM) procedures create significant obstacles that prevent effective public participation in a manner consistent with international law and the Kyoto Protocol.

The report details the financial structure of Stora Enso as of late 2009, noting that shareholders and bondholders are the primary sources of capital. It identifies key institutional investors, banks providing loans, and the company's participation in the EU Emissions Trading Scheme.

The paper examines the complexity of comparing national emissions pledges due to inconsistent base years, varying scopes of greenhouse gases, and divergent accounting methods for LULUCF. It analyzes the specific pledges of Annex I countries (Australia, Canada, EU, Japan, Russia, Kazakhstan) and non-Annex I countries (China, India), highlighting how 'cherry picking' accounting systems can make targets appear more ambitious than they are. The authors recommend a common accounting framework where countries provide scenarios showing how energy-related emissions, LULUCF, and international offsets contribute to their total commitments.

The report analyzes how the Canadian agricultural sector can contribute to greenhouse gas reductions and the economic implications of emerging climate policies. It highlights the potential for carbon sequestration in soils and the role of bioenergy, while discussing the complexities of implementing a national cap-and-trade system. Key concerns include the integrity of agricultural offsets, the risk of carbon reversal, and the impact of international trade rules and U.S. policy alignment on Canadian competitiveness.

The report examines how the WTO Agreement on Subsidies and Countervailing Measures (SCM Agreement) creates legal uncertainty for climate mitigation tools. It analyzes specific issues such as carbon allowances, carbon leakage, and renewable energy subsidies, arguing that the current 'benefit' and 'specificity' criteria often fail to account for market failures and historical fossil fuel distortions. The author proposes four alternative legal paths: extending GATT Article XX general exceptions to the SCM Agreement, reviving 'non-actionable' subsidy categories based on Kyoto Protocol goals, broadening environmental goods and services negotiations to include non-tariff measures, or establishing a UNFCCC-driven waiver system.

The Stanford Environmental Law Clinic, on behalf of CDM Watch, analyzes Project 3020's compliance with the revised ACM0013 methodology. The analysis concludes that the project is non-additional because its claimed emission reductions rely on a prohibited fuel-switching loophole (substituting domestic for imported coal). By applying conservative coal spot prices rather than the project's underestimated Indonesian coal costs, the analysis finds that supercritical technology is the most financially attractive baseline scenario, meaning the project does not meet additionality requirements.

The document examines how the Japanese steel industry, a major global producer, can engage in climate mitigation under post-2012 frameworks. It contrasts sectoral approaches—which are favored by energy-intensive industries to prevent carbon leakage and maintain competitiveness—with cap-and-trade systems. The author proposes four options for integration: incorporating sectoral approaches into Nationally Appropriate Mitigation Actions (NAMAs) or CDM reforms, establishing agreements outside the UNFCCC, relying on non-binding recognition of commitments, or implementing transnational sectoral trading. It concludes that while the Japanese government's support for sectoral approaches shifted under the Hatoyama administration, the industry continues to support them due to low costs and international competition risks.

The document examines the intersection of the right to development and climate change, focusing on the Clean Development Mechanism (CDM). It argues that while the CDM facilitates technology transfer and emissions reductions, it lacks sufficient human rights safeguards, equitable geographical distribution, and accountability mechanisms. The author proposes integrating a rights-based approach (RBA) and refining the High-Level Task Force's (HLTF) evaluation criteria to include science-based decision-making and the principle of common but differentiated responsibilities (CBDR).

The report argues that while precise surgical assessment of comparability is currently impossible, a common set of core indicators is necessary to define fairness and support domestic and international negotiations. It proposes an 'apples with apples' anchoring point based on economy-wide emissions excluding LULUCF and introduces 'trajectory indicators' to align 2020 targets with 2050 goals. The analysis categorizes Annex I Parties into 'New World' economies, 'Old OECD economies', and 'Transition economies' based on emissions, population, and GDP trends. Finally, it emphasizes the need for harmonized economic modelling to provide a rational basis for cost-comparability, especially following the global financial crisis.

The document serves as a toolkit for civil society to navigate the Clean Development Mechanism (CDM) under the Kyoto Protocol. It details the seven-step project cycle—from the creation of the Project Design Document (PDD) to the issuance of Certified Emission Reductions (CERs)—and highlights specific windows for public intervention, such as the 30-day public consultation period. The guide emphasizes the importance of 'additionality' and 'baselines' to prevent the issuance of false carbon credits and explains special project categories like small-scale activities, carbon sinks (afforestation/reforestation), and Programmes of Activities (PoA).