Search Climate Insights Directory

The Wood River Power Station in East Alton, Illinois, retired in 2016, leaving behind hazardous coal ash ponds that pose risks to groundwater and human life. Despite these dangers, the site's existing utility infrastructure makes it a viable candidate for a 46 megawatt solar farm and 10 megawatts of storage, which could support local economic development and leverage the Future Energy Jobs Act.

Friends of the Earth International calls for an immediate global shift away from 'dirty energy'—including fossil fuels, nuclear power, and large-scale hydroelectricity—toward community-led, decentralized energy systems. The statement emphasizes that the Global North must take primary responsibility for emission cuts and financial support for the Global South to achieve climate justice and prevent irreversible planetary tipping points.

Friends of the Earth International calls for a transition from 'Dirty Energy'—including fossil fuels, nuclear power, and large-scale hydropower—to decentralized, people-centered community energy. The statement criticizes 'false solutions' like BECCS and carbon offsets, highlighting the disproportionate responsibility of the global North for emissions and the need for a just transition that includes significant financial flows to the global South.

The Centre for Environmental Rights (CER), writing on behalf of the Life After Coal Campaign, calls on Nedbank to cease financing the Thabametsi and Khanyisa coal-fired power stations. The CER argues that these projects, part of the Coal Baseload Independent Power Producer Procurement Programme (CBIPPPP), are not 'procured' as claimed in the draft Integrated Resource Plan (IRP) 2018 because they lack essential legal authorisations, including atmospheric emission and water use licences. The document asserts that these plants are unnecessary for electricity supply, excessively expensive, and would cost South Africa nearly R20 billion more than required. Furthermore, it highlights severe health risks for residents in the Waterberg-Bojanala and Highveld Priority Areas and warns that the plants' high greenhouse gas emission intensities would undermine South Africa's Paris Agreement commitments. The CER criticizes Nedbank for excluding these 'existing commitments' from its 2018 policy against financing new coal-fired power plants.

The Life After Coal campaign, representing several environmental and community alliances, strongly objects to Eskom's request to postpone Minimum Emission Standards (MES) for 14 coal and liquid fuel-fired power stations. The submission argues that under the National Environmental Management: Air Quality Act (AQA) and the associated Framework, postponements are only permissible if ambient air quality standards in the area are in compliance, which is not the case for the Highveld Priority Area (HPA), Vaal Triangle Airshed Priority Area (VTAPA), and Waterberg-Bojanala Priority Area (WBPA). The document highlights severe health impacts, including thousands of premature deaths attributed to PM2.5 emissions, and criticizes Eskom's Background Information Document (BID) for being inaccurate and incomplete. The campaign demands the rejection of the applications, the cessation of 'rolling postponements', and a just transition toward renewable energy.

The report argues that coal transitions are already underway due to economic shifts, the falling cost of renewables, and environmental concerns, independent of climate policy. Through analysis of China, India, South Africa, Poland, Germany, and Australia, it concludes that phasing out coal is technically feasible and cost-neutral or advantageous for consumers. It emphasizes that a 'just transition' for workers and communities is possible through early stakeholder consultation, tailored workforce programs, and regional economic diversification. The document also warns coal exporters of the risks of stranded assets and the potential for abrupt declines in global demand.

The report identifies that Canada remains a significant provider of oil and gas subsidies within the G7. It details various federal tax deductions and direct funding programs for the industry, noting that while some subsidies appeared to decrease between 2015 and 2016, this was largely due to low oil prices and accounting practices rather than complete elimination. The authors argue that these fiscal supports create a risk of stranded assets and undermine the transition to renewable energy.

The document argues that Canada remains a significant provider of fossil fuel subsidies among G7 nations, despite some reforms. It details various federal mechanisms of support, including tax deductions for exploration and development, and direct funding for innovation and carbon capture. The report highlights that the apparent decrease in subsidies between 2013 and 2016 was largely due to low oil prices and accounting practices that allow companies to defer tax deductions, rather than a complete elimination of support. It further argues that these subsidies are incompatible with Canada's climate goals and the need for a just transition for workers.

The Life After Coal Campaign, comprising the Centre for Environmental Rights, groundWork, and Earthlife Africa, urged the South African National Department of Health to participate in the WHO's First Global Conference on Air Pollution and Health (30 October - 1 November 2018). The letter asserts that air quality in South Africa frequently exceeds ambient air quality standards (AAQS), particularly in the Highveld, Mpumalanga, and Waterberg-Bojanala priority areas, and that the Vaal Triangle Airshed and Highveld Priority Areas remain at dangerous exposure levels despite being declared priority areas over a decade ago. The campaign notes that South African AAQS are significantly weaker than the WHO's 2005 guidelines. Citing a 2016 report by Dr Mike Holland, the letter states that PM2.5 emissions from Eskom's coal-fired power stations alone cause 2,239 deaths per year, including 1,110 from ischaemic heart disease and 157 from lung cancer, with total associated economic costs exceeding USD2 billion annually. The document identifies Eskom and Sasol as the country's largest emitters of regulated criteria pollutants.

The Life After Coal Campaign (LAC) argues that new coal-fired power plants in South Africa are irrational, costly, and contrary to international climate obligations. The campaign highlights the severe water externalities of coal, the health risks associated with the proposed Khanyisa power station, and the financial risks of stranded assets as global investment shifts away from thermal coal. LAC advocates for a just transition that prioritizes renewable energy, protects workers' livelihoods, and ensures Eskom's active role in a sustainable energy system.

The Centre for Environmental Rights (CER), representing the Life After Coal/Impilo Ngaphandle Kwamalahle Campaign, submitted detailed comments on the Climate Change Bill, 2018. The CER argues that the Bill focuses too heavily on government bureaucracy and fails to address the urgency of the climate crisis or provide sufficient mechanisms for holding emitters accountable. Key recommendations include setting a strict, legally binding emissions trajectory aligned with the Paris Agreement, ensuring full public disclosure of carbon budgets and GHG reports, and establishing independent oversight and appeals bodies.

The Centre for Environmental Rights (CER), on behalf of the Life After Coal/Impilo Ngaphandle Kwamalahle Campaign, has written to Eskom to challenge the procurement of two coal-fired independent power producers (IPPs): Thabametsi and Khanyisa. The CER argues that these projects are not 'value for money' as they would increase system costs by 19.6 billion Rand, raise greenhouse gas emissions, and risk becoming stranded assets. The letter highlights that the projects lack necessary licenses and are subject to pending High Court reviews. It requests detailed information on the status of the PPAs, the 'value for money' assessment, and compliance with the Public Finance Management Act (PFMA) and New Generation Regulations.

The Centre for Environmental Rights (CER), representing the Life After Coal Campaign, is challenging the progression of the Thabametsi and Khanyisa coal-fired power stations. The CER argues that these projects fail the 'value for money' test, would increase greenhouse gas emissions, and are unable to reach commercial close due to missing licenses and pending High Court reviews. The letter requests detailed information on the status of the procurement process and the specific regulatory approvals required before PPAs can be signed.

The document provides specific wording suggestions to ensure that the Paris Agreement's rights-based vision is reflected in the guidelines for Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs), the Transparency Framework, the Global Stocktake, and Article 6 mechanisms. It emphasizes that these guidelines should promote the integration of human rights, gender equality, and indigenous rights without creating new obligations for Parties or new conditionalities for climate finance.

The 2018 Talanoa Dialogue, facilitated by the Fijian and Polish presidencies, aims to raise climate ambition by taking stock of progress toward the Paris Agreement and informing 2020 Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs). The process uses a non-adversarial, story-based methodology to foster consensus. NHRIs and civil society are encouraged to provide actionable, positive inputs that link climate action to human rights, including gender equality, indigenous peoples' rights, and just transitions. The dialogue consists of preparatory phases (online submissions and in-session dialogues) and a final political phase at COP-24 in Katowice, Poland.

The research note analyzes a U.S. Department of Energy proposal to subsidize uneconomic power plants to maintain grid reliability. It estimates that keeping six FirstEnergy coal and nuclear plants online for two years would cost approximately $2 billion. The author contends that these funds would be better spent on locally-led economic diversification and workforce development, noting that grid operators and reliability bodies do not believe such interventions are necessary for stability. The document suggests that redirecting these funds could provide over $300 million per affected community to support a just transition.

The document outlines the economic necessity for South Africa to transition toward low-carbon manufacturing, identifying specific opportunities in renewable energy, transport, agriprocessing, water, and the circular economy. It emphasizes the need for policy clarity, local procurement, and a 'just transition' that protects workers and informal waste pickers.

The document outlines the challenges of South Africa's coal-dependent energy system, including environmental externalities and the financial crisis at Eskom. It proposes cancelling further coal Independent Power Producers (IPPs), reforming Eskom's business model to invest in renewables, and increasing the localisation of renewable energy manufacturing. A central theme is the 'just transition,' emphasizing the role of unions and the state in protecting vulnerable workers through re-skilling and social protection. The brief recommends the urgent finalisation of the Integrated Resource Plan (IRP) 2016 and the establishment of a Just Transition Taskforce.

The document argues that South Africa's reliance on coal has created an economic path dependency that now exposes the country to shrinking export markets and trade barriers as global climate policies tighten. To mitigate this, the author proposes a three-pronged approach: increasing investment in minerals essential for clean technologies (such as PGMs, chromium, and manganese), redeploying retrenched miners to municipal infrastructure projects, and establishing a national programme to rehabilitate over 6,000 derelict mines. The brief emphasizes a 'Just Transition' framework, calling for a dedicated taskforce and the integration of climate considerations into the Mining Charter and the Mineral and Petroleum Resources Development Bill.

The document outlines a dialogue between stakeholders on the necessity of a managed decline of Canada's oil and gas sector to avoid the economic and social disruptions of an unmanaged collapse. It emphasizes that climate leadership for wealthy fossil fuel producers requires ending production expansion and implementing supply-side policies. Key discussions focus on the need for a dedicated transition fund, the reform of fossil fuel subsidies and Alberta's low royalty regimes, and the importance of participatory planning that protects workers and communities. The paper argues that a comprehensive policy portfolio—combining demand-side carbon pricing with supply-side production limits—is essential for Canada to meet its global fair share of emissions reductions.